In its introduction, the latest (2021) ‘Strategic Survey’ published by the distinguished London based International Institute for Strategic Studies notes, ‘geopolitics is driven by changes in the ability of states to use and resist power’. The first, its adds, depends on power resources, and the second on domestic resilience’. Geopolitics, the application of the influence of political and economic geography on politics, national power and foreign policy of a state, nevertheless shapes in a given strategic environment. Being a combination of geographic and political factors, geopolitics influence or delineates a country or a region in a given environment. The variables then model national security and foreign policies of a country. It would be rather hard to use a single expression in defining the present day world. There are multitude factors and features driving the developing geopolitics, building alliances and rising realignments. These portend a new area on planet. Some are nonetheless more striking than others. A fierce great power competition, technology driven direct and indirect wars, regional conflicts, receding globalization, fading multilateralism, climate change, expanding alliances, hyper nationalism and above all rapidly increasing food scarcity to feed large populations prompting a fundamental shift in strategic gaze from land to sea by nations are only some of the unmistakable evolving phenomenon. Add to all this has been the terrible impact of COVID pandemic. lt shattered many an economy, wrecked intercontinental transportation at sea that underpinned globalization and is redefining human life besides interstate relations. What is more, pandemic has even induced a rethinking on the conventional methods of warfare on land and more importantly, at sea. Yet alongside all such tumultuous developments, one defining feature, long predicted by eminent scholars has been the centrality of Indian Ocean and navies in the power politics of twenty first century. ‘The Indian Ocean urea will be the true nexus of world power and conflict in the coming years’, thus wrote Robert Kaplan in his masterpiece, Monsoon, published in 2010. Closer to home, a small robust and agile Pakistan Navy (PN) continues to play a central role in preserving maritime order in large swathes of the western Indian Ocean. This has been enduring practice since 2003 when PN first joined Combined Maritime Forces steered by US Navy Central (US NAVCENT 5th Fleet, CENTCOM). This presence has meant uninterrupted flow of legitimate international commerce travelling on crucial maritime highways both, close to Makran coast of Pakistan and in distant waters along East West route. PN has largely disrupted networks of criminal cartels and terror outfits previously drawing advantage of large unregulated ocean spaces. The influence and swift filling up of maritime strategic space by PN at a critical time following 2001 operation ‘Enduring Freedom’, averted a vacuum which could have been easily occupied by some other country. This has ever since raised the profile of Pakistan navy amongst international navies and across the globe. The centrality of Pakistan navy in the maritime security of the region can be measured from the fact that as of today it has commanded Combined Task Force (CTF) 150, one of the three multinational task forces operated by Combined Maritime Forces under US navy Central Command, for a record 12 times since 2003. The task force (150) conducts maritime security operations to disrupt criminal and terror organisations as well as their allied illicit activities. Its area of operations includes some of the world’s busiest shipping lanes and spans over two million square miles encompassing Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Indian Ocean and Gulf of Oman. Each Command tour generally rotates between participating nations on a four monthly basis. Apart from this significant achievement, Pakistan Navy has commanded another task force, 151 on 9 different occasions since 2005. This task force was originally raised to quell Somali piracy that had become a bane for the international shipping transiting close to Gulf of Aden. In the above backdrop, it is no surprise that Pakistan Navy was recently invited to participate in another US maritime endeavour called International Maritime Exercise (short-titled IMX-22). The ongoing (February 2022) exercise involves 60 nations, over 50 major combatants and variety of other platforms including unmanned aerial, surface and sub-surface vehicles. It aims to enhance interoperability with regional navies and thus contribute towards maritime security inclusive of responses to counter threats in prevalent geo-political environment. In the exercise, there are five different groups conducting variety of drills in distinctly separate and widely dispersed maritime geographic theatres of Gulf of Oman, Arabian Gulf and the Red Sea. Pakistan Navy has been conferred the unique privilege to be deputy commander in IMX 22 under US Combined Task Force. This is a distinct honour and pride for the country in a region where there are numerous other powerful players. On another note, IMX-22 has for the first time included navy of Israel. Tel Aviv was previously outside the area of responsibility of US CENTCOM. But following the thaw in relations between Arab states and Israel courtesy Abraham Accords, the United States has now moved Israel from its previous US EU COM area to US CENTCOM. Consequently, in the first of its kind, navies of lsrael, Bahrain, UAE and US recently (November 21) conducted joint naval manoeuvres in the Red Sea. Ironically while multinational exercises like IMX-22 (and in no small measure AMAN series organised biennially by PN) play pivotal role in advancing maritime interests of Pakistan; bolstering maritime security and alongside facilitate in image building of the country, it is being misconstrued by some quarters and in small media reports as a sign of cooperation between navies of Pakistan and Israel. First, Pakistan navy has regularly and widely participated in multinational exercises including and similar to IMX-22 over past two decades, second the geographic area of operations of both sides (PN and Israeli Navy) in the exercise is widely disparate, third, neither it is now nor shall there be in future any kind of direct communication between the two navies. Finally, participation by Pakistan navy has absolutely and in no way any ideological or religious undertones. Any shift or even professional rethinking to inch closer to Israel navy does not exist at all.