The ongoing agitation by the aggrieved farmers from different states of India in support of their demands and apathetical approach of the national media in colouring them anti-nationals is certainly a mismatch in a democratic society. Media has been ridiculing farm subsidies, which most capitalist countries including the USA and many countries of European Union (EU) provide to their farmers, as a drain on resources. The US provides 40 per cent subsidy (to the tune of $46 billions) to its farmers. Nowhere in the world agriculture is considered a viable economic proposition. Therefore, for their substance and sustaining the farmers, the governments all over the world offer enough subsidises to keep the farmers’ economic health in good shape. In the Farm Acts (FAs) traders and agricultural corporations have been assured of non-interference from state governments. Forward contracts, assured by one of the FA, and barrier-free trade First, the Modi government has amended the Essential Commodities Act to remove the existing restrictions on stocking up food produce. Second, it has introduced a new law — The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020 or the FPTCA — to end the monopoly of the Agricultural Produce Market Committees (APMC) and allow anyone to purchase and sell agricultural produce. Third, another law — The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement Act on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020 or FAPAFS — has been enacted to legalise contract farming, so that big businesses and companies can cultivate vast swaths of land on contract. Prima facie, it shows that the FAPAFS is an unconstitutional. But the changes proposed in the new laws, especially the prospect of zero-tax trade outside the APMCs, could lead to the “withering away of the eco-system of the APMC”, points out an agricultural expert. This Law would help the big business to go for direct deals with the farmers, but it is not clear whether or not that it would help the farmers who have little and limited bargaining power. It could end up demolishing the existing faulty facilitating structure without replacing it with anything better to serve the interests of marginal, small, and middle-class farmers. If the Modi government really wanted to bring about historic changes to agricultural laws for the benefit of the farmers, why it had jumped public and parliamentary scrutiny? The Malady is that the 70 per cent population of the country depends on agriculture and its allied services for their livelihood. But not a single farmers’ unions or any agricultural experts who has been working in the public domain were never consulted before issuing of the ordinances. Followed by making laws in parliament and Rajya Sabha. Given the timing, the context, and the overall balance of power in which these three laws have been enacted, these are likely to work in favour of the traders, big agri-businesses, and corporates and not for farmers, least of all marginal and small farmers. Even if it is accepted that these reforms may help increase agricultural productivity, improve food markets but are unlikely to help farmers’ incomes. At best, this may be another example in the long history of policies that work for agriculture but not for tillers/farmers. None of the farmers’ organisations, unions, coalitions with any mass base, have welcomed or even supported the Narendra Modi government’s three laws on agri-marketing. All the organisations have vehemently opposed them. Now RSS and BJP’s own Bharatiya Kisan Sangh have started finding fault with laws following all India mass movement of farmers of all hue erupted from each corner of the country. It is a national movement now. But Indian media self-appointed spokesman of the corporates, time and again put pressure on the government through frivolous stories and write-ups intending to withdraw subsidies to hard working poor farmers. Meanwhile, tycoons like Ambanis and Adanis overtly supported by the corporate media and are called as business/industry incentives. This mismatch in the Centre’s critique to the two contesting groups in India’s monsoon-fed economy has been a trigger for current peasant uprisings. Farmers’ loss is corporate magnets gain. The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Ordinance, 2020 or FAPAFS — has been enacted to legalise contract farming, so that big businesses and companies can cultivate vast swaths of land on contract None of the myriad farmers’ organisations, unions, coalitions with any mass base, with the possible exception of the BJP’s own Bharatiya Kisan Sangh, have welcomed or even supported the Narendra Modi government’s three laws on agri-marketing. All the organisations have vehemently opposed them. Are these ‘historic’ moves really going to work for the farmers? None of the Farmers’ union were consulted while drafting the three farms acts. The Narendra Modi led government through these three contentious Farm Acts has supported the Indian corporate to provide them a new field for loot. But the changes proposed in the ordinance, especially the prospect of zero-tax trade outside the APMCs, could lead to the “withering away of the eco-system of the APMC”. Therefore, the chief minister like Khattar who does not understand the economic issues of farmers, this rootless leader, who has been parachuted by Narendra Modi cannot understand this discrimination and unjust economic support, meted out to Industrial urban economy at the cost of the rural agricultural economy. A stark difference between Punjab and Gujarat, the model Prime Minister brags about is that the people, especially farmers are constitutionally fighting for their rights, whereas many fugitives, who had looted Indian banks and ran away with their booty with the silent support of the incumbent power holders, mainly belong to Gujarat. What to talk of bringing black money back, the government allowed the big businesse’s owner to run away to foreign countries with billions of Indian banks’ money. Let us understand the issues relating to farmers keeping this background in mind. All the three Farm Acts are not only anti farmers but anti peoples as well. In the Essential Commodities Act to remove the existing restrictions on stocking food produce. The provision for storing/holding essential commodities specially grains of any nature have been made legal deleting the criminal clause. Those who are in the habit of hoarding food grains for making easy buck would hoard necessity food items including wheat and rice after purchasing during harvesting seasons at low price to sell at high price by creating unnatural scarcity in the country. The Punjabi farmers, who have been protesting against these 3-Farm Acts, for more than two months in their respected districts had little or no effect on Narendra Modi’s government in New Delhi. Modi-Amit Shah duo thought that with the support of lapdog journalists, they would successfully spread disinformation regarding the farmers’ protest and will show them in pale light as well as attempts to dub them as anti-national in the eyes of the nation. A section of national media, which formed the fourth pillar of democracy, acted otherwise, and became mouthpiece of those at the helm. They not only treaded propaganda, but also ran smear campaign against the farmers by terming them anti-national. There has never been dearth of yellow journalists in Delhi. That is why when you switch on TV channels you listen to crow-crying sounds “Khalistanis have taken over this Punjab farmers movement”. When Indira Gandhi was in power in Delhi, they lived on the crumbs scattered by her. One must understand that the Punjab Farmers are quite methodically managing their Delhi Challo protests methodically. Generally, it is seen that in such mass protest’s movements, the professional politician troop into the movement posing to act as supporting the cause and capture the movement/agitation and surface into limelight. But the farmers are aware of this malady, so they did not allow the politicians of any tribe near their protesting venues. Delhi have been seized from four sides by Punjab, Haryana and UP farmers. On the one hand they kept their agitation a pure farmers’ affair and full focus was on farmers and agriculture-related demands. Farmers realized that it would be their long-drawn struggle against the single-track authoritative leader Modi. To spend nights under the open sky in ice-cold-winters, they packed their beddings, stock of grocery, gas cylinder and cooking chullahs with large size aluminium bowls and other kitchen accessories for camping in Delhi to protest. Grown in and lived in the Sikh tradition of community kitchen (langar), promoted by the first Sikh prophet Guru Nanak Dev vand Chhako (Sharing with others especially needy) every farmer knows the art of cooking for the mass gatherings. On their 300 to 500 kilometres long march to Delhi on tractor-trolleys thousands of farmers, including women folks, middle aged and young girls joined them as if they were going on a long-drawn battle with Modi authoritarian rule. The brave farmers of Punjab, whose sons are present on every border to protect the security of Indian Territory understand what battle means to protect its life and death issue-protecting its agricultural piece of land. Significantly, more than 5,000 women farmers and women agricultural activists of all ages from young girls of 20 to 80 years of senior farmer women are all part of mosaic of the anguished farmers protests. But one must look at the peace and calm lit large on the farmers faces facing state repression of the Haryana Chief Minister M L Khattar. Farmers kept their patience on the high graph and maintained the discipline to the core to keep their Delhi Chalo march completely peaceful. Unwanted bragging and threat of violence were nowhere in the vicinity of their protest site. Khattar, an urban leader who migrated from Pakistan, perhaps carries limited knowledge regarding the character of Punjabi farmers. He christened himself into the Bhajan Lal’s mould whose police force had brutally assaulted every Sikh crossing from Haryana roads even if he was not part of protesting Akalis who were to protest on the occasion of the Asiad games. Now, support has trickled from other states as well. Farmers from Haryana and Uttar Pradesh have already joined the Delhi Chalo protest march. Farmers from Uttar Pradesh have already closed Noida border to Delhi. And farmers from Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Aandhra Pradesh (Hyderabad) and other states have also announced to join the Delhi Chalo next week. More farmers have started joining from Punjab and Haryana every day. Food products, sweets, pinnis, almonds and raw vegetables, atta, lentils (dals) are pouring in from Haryana and villages as great help to protesting farmers. Hundreds of cooking herds provide a scene as if it’s a big mela or festival. Policemen also eat and take snacks offered in langar by Sikh farmers. It is too late that Modi government has awakened to talk to farmers. First meeting in Delhi on 1st December 2020 and so far five marathon meeting of the Central government ministers and officials and farmers’ leaders have taken place but nothing tangible came out so far. Farmers leaders insisting on withdrawals of the three Farms Acts, but so far the committee is reluctant to do that but hints and accepting some changes. did not reach any agreement and the next round of talks is scheduled in a day or so. Farmers’ leaders have been consistent in their stand and just want revocation of the three Farm Acts. Since Punjab farmers have gone to stay in Delhi for months together till their demands are accepted. They want to hold protests at Jantar Mantar or Ramlila ground the two prominent venues known for holding protests. For authoritative Modi, it is the first feel of alienated rural people of the country, who are knocking at its doors. Supporting the farmers’ protests two senior leaders from Punjab have returned their Padam Vibhusan (National honour medals) , international sports players have also returned their medals. Seven farmers have died during protests because of harsh weather at Delhi border. The writer is a senior journalist and Indo-Pak peace activist