Last week I ended my commentary with several questions: * How did this state of elite capture happen in Pakistan? vIs PM Imran a continuation of the same flow of state capture? * Can he successfully remove this stranglehold? * If yes, then how? For this it’s important to review our political journey to date. The demand for Pakistan was never central to the current areas which later became West Pakistan and then Pakistan right up the early 1940’s. Most support for Pakistan came from Northern Muslim minority regions, especially UP and Muslim majority East Bengal The United Front in Sind of which Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto, father of ZAB, was a central leader, the Unionists in Punjab headed by Sir Sikander Hayat and the Congress in then NWFP under Dr. Khan Saheb, elder brother of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, grandfather of current ANP chief, manifested this sad fact. The Islamic parties, Jamat e Ulema e Hind, forerunner of Fazlur Rehman’s JUI and the JI of Maulana Maudoodi also opposed the creation of Pakistan. The Punjabi Unionists and Sindhi United Front were both parties of the landed aristocracy, totally inward looking and only interested in perpetuating their power, influence and hold over their feudal fiefdoms through their politics of patronage. It was only later that they jumped on the Pakistan bandwagon, realizing the inevitability and ensuring they captured power, which they did. In contrast, the Urdu speaking Muslims of UP, considerably better educated and formed the backbone of the Pakistan movement, primarily because they lived in Hindu majority regions and experienced the hatred and discrimination every day, unlike those who resided in Muslim majority regions, lost out in any future dispensation. 11 years since independence we had no national elections, 4 Governor Generals, 7 Prime Ministers, 1 assassinated, 1 constitution after 7 years, 2 dismissed assemblies and our first martial law, which, mind you, was imposed by the country’s civilian President These Muslims migrants were devoid of any roots, land, property, business and most importantly kinship / baradari networks and a powerful ethnic identity in the new country, all core sources of political power in a predominantly rural Pakistan. While those from East Punjab, easily assimilated into West Punjab, the vast majority of Urdu speaking migrants found themselves without an identity, other than being labeled Mohajirs, in a land steeped in being a Pathan, Punjabi, Sindhi, Balochi and the ethnic kinship driven society from which political power emanated. This deprivation was to later give rise to the fascist MQM phenomenon. Immediately following partition, the politicians dominated by rural feudal elites, were embroiled in bitter political infighting, resulting in 7 Prime Ministers in 11 years, no constitution for 9 years, no national elections for 23 years finally followed by 10 years of military / quasi military rule from 1958 to 1968. Provincial elections were held in Punjab and NWFP in 1951, Sind in 1953, and East Bengal in 1954. Except for the last, the rural power elites captured power in the first three provinces, roundly criticized as a complete farce. But what is most insightful is the composition of the first Constituent Assembly comprising members elected under separate electorate in December 1946, and tasked to write the Constitution of the Republic of Pakistan (not Islamic then). The Assembly comprised 44 members representing East Bengal, 17 West Punjab, 3 from NWFP, 3 from Sind and 1 from Baluchistan. These included 21 non-Muslims. While this assembly failed to write a constitution finally being dismissed by Governor General Ghulam Mohammed in 1954 just prior to the draft constitution being tabled, a dismissal upheld by the Federal Court headed by Justice Mohammed Munir in his infamous judgement, which haunts us to this day, they did manage to adopt the Objectives Resolution in 1949 under Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, a much debated event in history adding the prefix “Islamic” to the “Republic of Pakistan” and opening a Pandora box of the nature and form of the new state. In 1955, Iskander Mirza, home minister under PM Mohammed Ali Bogra, was appointed acting GG, by Ghulam Mohammed. Mirza swiftly removed the ailing Ghulam Mohammed took over as Governor General to then become President in 1956 under our first constitution written by the second constituent assembly, established in 1955. Between 1956 and October 1958, in 2 years, President Mirza dismissed 4 Prime Ministers, finally abrogating the same constitution which made him President, declared Martial Law and appointed General Ayub as the Chief Martial Law Administrator and Prime Minister, who in turn ousted him three weeks later. So there you have it. 11 years since independence we had no national elections, 4 Governor Generals, 7 Prime Ministers, 1 assassinated, 1 constitution after 7 years, 2 dismissed assemblies and our first martial law, which, mind you, was imposed by the country’s civilian President. India? In first 10 years, a constitution after two and a half years, 2 national elections in 1952 and 1957 and 1 Prime Minister for 14 years. So before we jump into our favourite pastime of flogging military interventions, picture this. Gen. Ayub was appointed Commander in Chief in 1951, a full 7 years before he took over. In 1953 he was appointed Defence Minister by Governor General Ghulam Mohammed, then Home Minister by Iskandar Mirza in 1956 and then Chief Martial Law Administrator and Prime Minister in 1958, also by Uskandar Mirza, while in UNIFORM! For 7 years, 4 as a cabinet member, he witnessed, first hand, the Byzantine politics and palace intrigues of the civilian rulers and politicians scrapping like cats and dogs, over power. To any objective observer, given what was happening, it was just not a question of if but when. While this in no way condones the takeover or justify any extra constitutional actions, by civilians or military, even a blind man could have seen the writing on the wall in 1958. In short, in my opinion, our politicians failed us miserably in their hunger and lust for power, and it is they who are most to blame for Gen. Ayub’s intervention by inviting the camel. Gen. Ayub’s tenure is marked by remarkable economic development, a still robust and competent bureaucracy, a serious attempt to change the electoral process to empower grass roots participation through the basic democracy framework, a constitution in 1962, for a presidential system to enable directly appointed technocrats, he ultimately failed as the forces of status quo reassembled through street power, especially the simmering discontent in East Pakistan, forcing him to resign. But despite his economic progress, his basic democratic system and his land reforms he was unable to break the power of the feudal and rural elites. And despite the economic growth driven by demand from the Korean War, Pakistan’s alliance with the USA and their financial support and being the poster boy of third world development, his tenure gave rise to the infamous 22 business families who controlled 66% of Pakistan’s industrial assets and 87% of her banking system. The business elite had begun to understand policy capture. He may yet have left a better and more lasting legacy, had he handed over power to the Speaker of the National Assembly, Abdul Jabbar Khan, despite Gen. Yahya’s insistence that it be handed over to him, a brazen, completely unjustifiable power grab. But a weak man also physically sick, he gave in. And it is this inglorious last act which will forever haunt his political legacy. So till next week then, to our middle years! Haider Mehdi is a Geo political commentator / blogger on National and International affairs. Formerly a media anchor, corporate leader, management consultant, start up entrepreneur and military officer, he tweets @HaiderKonsult and blogs on shrmehdi.com