Pakistan’s existence is an inimitable phenomenon of the 20th century. The circumstances in which it was made, and the political expediency exercised in the engineering of its state narratives in its formative years all but point to the fact that it had been a creation beyond ordinary. Perhaps that is the reason why the argument of its ‘saalmiyat’ (integrity) being in jeopardy every now and then is not an uncommon subject if we closely follow political entertainment offered by evening talk shows. The extraordinary aspect of such an argument, however, lies not exclusively in the usual and somewhat clichéd concerns i.e. existential threats posed by hostile neighbours, or the threat from religious fanaticism that has crept into our society, but interestingly, in the evolution of our understanding of the ideology that we were taught became the basis of the birth of this great nation. Though an open discussion on ideology and national identity now dangles on the borderline of the Article six realm, however, this wasn’t always necessarily the case. An interesting anecdote that is oft quoted is the discussion that took place on this question in the National Assembly in 1962. While discussing the Political Parties Bill, Maulana Abdul Bari of Jamaat-e-Islami used the term “Ideology of Pakistan” for the first time. Chaudhry Fazal Elahi, who later became the president of Pakistan, objected to the term and asked for clarification on its meaning. The member who had moved the bill replied, “The ideology of Pakistan is Islam.” To this, no one further objected. One can quite well imagine the construction of narratives that was taking place in the guise of nation-building at that time. The Pakistan Studies book for Class 10 of the Punjab Textbook Board has its first chapter dedicated to an exposition of the ideology of Pakistan. It traces the lineage of Muslim nationalist struggle in India to the day when the first Hindu of the sub-continent converted to Islam. Nothing more on that. The next chapters take students a millennium later in time to urge upon them the contributions of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan towards the Two Nation Theory. A young mind, however, usually fails to crtically question the theory and its implications for the primary reason that asking such questions is rarely encouraged by the teacher. However, the seeds of confusion that could later transform into a life-long identity crisis are sown at this stage of learning. This identity crisis is not difficult to observe in the life of a common Pakistani. I have personally witnessed countless occasions where people on being questioned about their identity recognise themselves as a Muslim first and a Pakistani thereafter. Sometimes, a third category of regional association i.e. Punjabi, Sindhi, etc. does exist for some, but mostly, the conversation just ends on being a Pakistani and nothing more. No wonder, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was branded a traitor when he replied to the same question in quite the opposite order. The concept of national identity in Pakistan has, therefore, always taken strength from a complete divorce from the indigenous or regional associations of the people. It is not uncommon to see people questioning the loyalty of Bacha Khan, or G M Syed towards the state of Pakistan for the only reason that any association with anything that might come into conflict with our Pakistani identity is deemed to be a treasonous act. Why is it that I belonging to the region of Punjab cannot appreciate the resistance offered by Maharaja Ranjit Singh towards British India without attracting any particular label on me? For the only reason that associating with the administrative brilliance and military genius of a Sikh ruler, though hailing from the same region that now forms one of the provinces of Pakistan, goes against the inherent idea of Muslim nationalism by which I am supposed to understand the historical roots of this nation. These engineered notions that form a significant aspect of our understanding of the state of Pakistan, however, have paved the way to another form of identity crisis, one that was never a matter of concern before. The analogy of Islam being the essence of the ideology of Pakistan might not have raised any questions in the National Assembly of 1962. However, it now surely does when the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan rejects the existence of Pakistan on the basis of the ‘un-Islamic’ nature of the republic that we live in. How can a young suicide bomber be convinced to believe that the republic that he is living in is actually an Islamic republic? These are the questions that should be of prime concern to the present policy-makers of this country. The hyper-nationalism and the physical expression of our love for our country on national holidays won’t do the job anymore unless the nationalistic dogmas created by our skewed understanding of the ideology of Pakistan are effectively done away with. The writer is a law student and a member of Youth Parliament Pakistan. He can be reached at saadgallian@ymail.com and on twitter @ch_saadelahi