The about-face on the appointment of Princeton academic, Atif R. Mian doesn’t reflect well on the leadership in Naya Pakistan. Doctor Mian, an internationally renowned economist belongs to the Ahmadiyya faith, a much maligned and persecuted minority group in Pakistan. His appointment to Prime Minister Imran Khan’s economic advisory council ran afoul with the country’s abundant defenders of the faith. Stirring the religious beast isn’t smart politics in Pakistan; the government realised this a bit late when its survival instincts finally kicked in. Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry and Human Rights Minister Mazari had to eat their words. They said that the minorities had as much of a claim to Pakistan as the majority. Both suggested a return to the nebulous idea of Jinnah’s Pakistan, as a virtual cure-all to the problems faced by minorities in the country. It all sounded too good to be true for a country in the firm grip of majoritarian Sunni Islam; where tolerance, let alone equal rights, for minorities is absent from the national agenda. Mian’s dumping does display a conspicuous lack of courage but to be fair to the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) bending over backward to appease religious extremists represents a consistent trait among most Pakistani governments. Moreover, the PTI can’t turn over a new leaf overnight, if ever. In the past, party leader Khan has supported the notorious blasphemy law and the designation of Ahmadis as non-Muslims. Regrettably, many Pakistanis agree with Khan’s position. Over the past four decades, Pakistan has suffered from sectarian violence and militant jihad. The bloodshed perpetrated by mostly Sunni extremist groups has wracked the country. The Shia minority, the Ahmadi community, Hindus, and Christians are all at the receiving end of Sunni extremism. Militant Islam has terrorised and muzzled the small group of moderate and tolerant Pakistanis who support respect for human rights and diversity. Furthermore, on several occasions, moral expediency has trumped the collective conscience in state and society. Aasia Bibi’s barbaric blasphemy sentence and imprisonment on death row remain a case in point. Islamist groups gain votes by trumpeting that they are protecting Islam from infidels and heretics. Extremists also ride the popularity of cowardly murderers like Mumtaz Qadri, seen as a religious martyr by many in society. An effective Islamist ploy is to paint attempts at social change as an American-Jewish-Ahmadi conspiracy. This inflammatory rhetoric resonates with a conservative society. Pakistan can muddle along rudderless, like it is now, oblivious of the existential threat posed by religious fascists. Unless there is a sea change in the strategy to grapple with the hydra-headed problem of religious extremism; mullahs and missiles are destined to be Pakistan’s primary contribution to humanity There was a lot of hand-wringing, second-guessing, and soul-searching on the failure of the Mian nomination in political circles and the media. Some commentators viewed religious extremism as a manageable problem, restricted to a small group of committed extremists. This naive conclusion is a delusional fantasy. The extraction of the extremist narrative, so firmly embedded in the body politic, isn’ ta straightforward task. What’s more, it is hard to distinguish between state ideology and religious fundamentalism. The nexus between state and religion provides fertile ground for extremism to prosper. The state security apparatus, already fighting terrorists and separatists, is afraid of taking on religious extremists as well. Consequently, the storm troopers of the religious right brazenly ride roughshod over the forces of law and order. Radical actionstied to mainstream and traditional interpretations of Islam area worrisome development. Merely stating that extremism is a corruption of Islam’s peaceful message of peace, love, and tolerance is not enough. Additionally, fighting religious extremism requires the acceptance of the broader issue that freedom and democracy are hard to find in the present day Islam of religious fanatics. Coercion in matters of faith doesn’t receive the criticism and condemnation it deserves. Progressive Muslims pursuing Islamic reform don’t stand a chance in this stifling environment. Education and curriculum reform are a key element of the struggle for inclusivity in Pakistan. Exposing young minds to secular values of liberty, equality, and fraternity can help in the fight against close-mindedness and dogmatism. Accordingly, the country needs major investments in public education, to reduce the reliance on Islamic madrassas, where nearly one-tenth of children are currently enrolled. Inspired and visionary leadership willing to take on the political and physical risks of confronting extremism is the need of the hour. Allowing extremists to control the national narrative and spread their views on social media is a certain recipe for disaster. Improved governance and increasing economic opportunity may draw the country’s burgeoning population away from the influence of radical groups. Importantly, the military must abandon the patronage of jihadi groups and accept civilian control and direction. Make no mistake that religious extremists are after state power and the Mianfiasco is just the tip of the iceberg. Of course, Pakistan can muddle along rudderless, like it is doing now, oblivious of the existential threat posed by religious fascists. Unless there is a sea change in the strategy to grapple with the hydra-headed problem of religious extremism, mullahs and missiles are destined to be Pakistan’s primary contribution to humanity. The writer is a freelance contributor and can be reached at shgcci@gmail.com Published in Daily Times, September 17th 2018.