Iran’s recent decision to re-enter nuclear talks with the US, albeit indirectly, feels like déjà vu. But let’s not get ahead of ourselves. There’s no denying that diplomacy is always much, much better than direct confrontation yet the move appears less a strategic shift by Tehran and more a pragmatic response to crippling economic sanctions and growing isolation.
But here’s the twist: Washington, bogged down by election-year politics, might actually want a quiet win. Even under Trump.
Of course, the backdrop is still fraught with mistrust. US sanctions, intensified under the Trump administration, have pushed Iran closer to Russia, while regional tension complicates prospects for meaningful dialogue.
Still, the 900-kilometer Pakistan-Iran border means we need to be wary of every flare-up on the other side, which is bound to spill into Balochistan.
The Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline epitomizes this dilemma. Conceived in 2009 as a lifeline for Pakistan’s energy-starved economy, the 7.5 billion project lies dormant, its infrastructure rusting under geopolitical timidity. With Iran desperate for revenue and Pakistan’s circular debt surpassing 15 billion, whispers of reviving the pipeline grow louder. Yet Washington’s recent warnings to Islamabad (a not-so-subtle reminder of secondary sanctions) highlight the precariousness of such ambitions.
To add to the dilemma, Pakistan’s juggling act between Tehran and Riyadh is already slipping away. Should sanctions ease and Iran reintegrate into global markets, Riyadh’s demands will intensify. Islamabad’s historical policy of “neutrality” risks becoming untenable in a region increasingly polarized between US-aligned blocs.
So, what can Islamabad do? Pursue sanctions carve-outs for the Iran-Pakistan pipeline through backchannel negotiations but we must also hedge. Deepening ties with Qatar and Turkmenistan for gas, for instance, should be actively pursued as insurance.
The window for de-escalation is cracking open, but Pakistan can’t just watch. We need to broker backroom deals and revive track-II dialogues while avoiding any labels. After all, we’ve done it before. Because when (not if) the US and Iran inevitably clash again, our borderlands will be the first to burn. *