April 1977 was the last time Pakistan saw its prime minister, Z A Bhutto, still calling shots. Since then, no Prime Minister of Pakistan could have a sway over foreign policy and national security. Those who dared to reclaim their rightful prerogative in a parliamentary democracy were shown the door on one pretext or the other. While Bhutto exercised all due powers as late as April 1977, he had already faced a similar fate in 1966 when Ayub Khan threw him out of favor without any hesitation in the backdrop of Tashkent Agreement. In January 1966 Russia had brokered an Indo-Pak peace deal in Tashkent following the September 1965 war; some time later, unhappy with the agreement Bhutto publicly criticized it, which contradicted Ayub. By doing this he had crossed the limits set by the Field Marshal. So by mid-June that year Bhutto was conveniently eased out of Ayub’s favor and the cabinet. Luckily, his populist views on the Tashkent deal had endeared him to the masses that were already fed up with Ayub for his despotic rule and his election rigging against Fatima Jinnah. His rising led him to found a new party. Interestingly, the quarters within the military too had started seeing Ayub as more of a liability; so when Bhutto created his party PPP the military establishment, if not out rightly supported it, found it helpful. A constant state of fear doesn’t let a man prosper nor a country In the elections of 1970 Bhutto was completely aligned with establishment, and after the elections, if military leadership had wanted it they could have assuaged him and let Mujeeb, with majority seats in the assembly, form the government and perhaps could also have saved the country. Following cessation of East Pakistan, when Bhutto got at the helm, the military was for sure demoralized; that led to act more as an imperial ruler. He exercised power rather recklessly, yet he could not rule undeterred since the constitution of 1973 gave provisions for a parliamentary democracy. When he decided to hold early elections in 1977, his mind was to change the constitution of the country to presidential form so he could rule undeterred as the President than as a Prime Minister. Here again he was going beyond where the military establishment hadn’t liked to see him as by now the military had come out of the stigma from 1971 war and was no longer lacking in confidence. The rest is tragic history. Another military dictator General Zia had handpicked Muhammad Khan Junejo as his prime minister following general election on non-party basis in 1985. However, when Junejo tried to conduct himself like a real chief executive of the country he was warned. But two incidents in April 1988: Ojhari Camp Disaster and the Geneva Accord over Afghanistan sealed Junejo’s ouster for his independent stance on these events. Zia removed him in May 1988 on the flimsy charges of inefficiency and breakdown of law and order in the country. The decade of 1990’s saw the parties of Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto only busy in suicidal confrontation which could hardly have given them the strength and confidence to disturb the military establishment led foreign and national security policy. Except for last government of Nawaz in that decade which was removed for his pro-peace overtures towards India and his displeasure at military’s Kargil adventure, thrice the governments were removed for local political disputes. While the Prime Ministers under General Musharraf’s regime were so completely his lackeys to deviate from his line. Fourteen years later, when Nawaz Sharif was again elected as prime minister with popular vote in 2013, he was a changed man with even more crystalised vision for peace with neighbors, and peace and development in the country. Nevertheless, by now the military establishment had completely monopolized both foreign policy and the national security paradigm. While the Nawaz government was busy resuming dialogue with India and improving relations with Afghanistan, these efforts were effectively scuttled with terrorist attacks inside India and Afghanistan by Jihadi and sectarian outfits operating in Pakistan. The international media finds them close to the military establishment. Besides, his government had to face a charade of political dharnas and the farcical Dawn Leak scandal as warnings. With these significant instances, it seems the military establishment is bent upon reducing popular civilian leaders to just play second fiddle. But let’s not mistake, a military led foreign and security policy will always keep this country in perpetual need to defend itself as you just see things through a security lens. A constant state of fear doesn’t let a man prosper nor a country. Otherwise locally, over 58 percent of our people wouldn’t experience food insecurity and 44 percent of school-going age children wouldn’t be out of schools; and diplomatically, Pakistan wouldn’t be a recluse. The writer is a sociologist with interest in history and politics. He tweets at @ZulfiRao1 and is accessible at Zulfirao@yahoo.com Published in Daily Times, September 28th 2017.