Global and local forces have shaped social and political life in Pakistan, often decisively. One such force is religion. Religion in Pakistan has been traditionally exploited for political gains. The consequences of such abuse are still deeply felt in every echelon of society. Many of the contemporary challenges such as terrorism, extremism and poor social development are rooted in the conflation of religion and politics. This nexus has grown resilient over time, backed by powerful religious and political groups. However, the legacy of misusing religion is under threat in the wake of the war against rising extremism and radicalisation in society. To some, the recent execution of Mumtaz Qadri offers a ray of hope. Yet, for others, nationwide protests in support of Qadri reveal a bleak reality; extremism is deeply entrenched in every nook and corner of our society. What explains the cancerous growth of religious rage? Is religion at the heart of the problem? Can we engage with objectionable ideas in a meaningful manner without incurring the wrath of extremist groups and individuals?
In order to tackle the menace of extremism, it is vital to understand the problem in a holistic manner. The issue of religious fundamentalism cannot be fully understood without critically examining its historical dimensions. A critical analysis of the role of religion in Pakistan reveals an important insight; Islam is not at the heart of the problem, it is the politics. Traditionally, political groups in Pakistan have manipulated religion for political interests, and it goes back to the independence movement. The very foundation of a separate homeland was laid on religious grounds. Political support for the creation of Pakistan was mobilised along religious grounds. Islam was promoted as the defining principle of an independent Pakistan, setting out its future direction. In his address to the Muslims of India on eid in 1945, for example, Mohammad Ali Jinnah had noted: “Islam is not merely confined to the spiritual tenets and ceremonies. It is a complete code regulating the whole Muslim society, every department of life, collectively and individually.” As some would say, contrary to the widely held view of a secular nation-state, Jinnah’s Pakistan was very much an Islamic state.
With the creation of Pakistan, the idea of using Islam to garner political support lost legitimacy. Hence followed sectarianism as divisions based on sectarian and religious minorities offered valid grounds for political gain. The first victim of this political strategy was the Ahmadi community. It was feared that the Ahmadi community, being tightly-knit, highly educated and prosperous in pre-partition India, would gain prominence in politics. The presence of people like Zafarullah Khan, M. M. Ahmad and several others in influential positions reinforced such insecurities. Thus, feelings against Ahmadis, right from the time of independence, took a religious and theological meaning. The real intention was to exclude Ahmadis from top positions as their influence was perceived as a major threat by religious-political groups. There could be no better means to justify exclusion other than playing the religion card. The violence and discrimination against the community has continued unabated ever since.
The nexus of religion and politics deepened as General Zia-ul-Haq assumed power in 1977. Two external developments were fundamental in this process: the rise of Ayatollah Khomeni in Iran and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. With the rise of Khomeini in Iran, Zia began to fear the spread of Shia influence in a Sunni-dominated Pakistan. The threat of Shia influence led Zia to take unprecedented measures, which laid the basis of Sunni-Shia sectarian strife in the country. A key part of this process was the ‘Islamisation’ movement based on a fundamentalist form of Sunni Islam. This move received enormous backing from Saudi Arabia in the form of petrodollars that were directed into Pakistani mosques and madrasas that preached a deeply conservative version of Islam. The Sunni-Shiite rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia was hence crucial in knitting politics and religion together on a domestic level. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 provided boost to this process, laying the foundations of extremism in Pakistan. Millions of dollars of aid from the west enabled Zia to build a network of religious madrassas that prepared people to fight the Soviet forces in Afghanistan. The entire curriculum was redesigned to reinforce the idea of Islam as the founding ideology of Pakistan and indoctrinate the jihadi mindset. These efforts culminated in the idea of militants fighting in the name of Sunni Islam and led to the birth of Mujahedeen or Afghan jihadists. The scourge of radicalisation in Pakistan is an unintended consequence of the jihadist movement. The foundations of religious fundamentalism were hence laid here.
It was also during this period that the religious narrative of blasphemy was redefined. Although bans on blasphemy had been inherited from colonial Raj, things got much harsher under General Zia as disrespecting the Quran or Islam’s prophet could incur life imprisonment or in the latter case, death. In 1991, a federal religious court ruled that death was the only appropriate punishment for blasphemy. Following these changes, the number of blasphemy cases soared drastically. The new laws legitimised intolerance, supported by the narrow ideology of the 1980s. The expression of support for Qadri following his hanging is a stark reminder of the deep-rooted extremist mindset that celebrates him as a heroic practitioner of divine justice, not a murderer.
The legacy of exploiting religion has pervaded everyday aspects of life beyond blasphemy and terrorism. It has profound implications for social development opportunities and challenges in Pakistan. Recently, the Punjab assembly, miraculously, managed to pass a historic bill promising women protection against domestic violence. Given the usual tendency to Islamise things, it is not surprising therefore to see the widespread outcry the Women Protection Bill has drawn from religious clergy. A bill that is meant to safeguard the country’s half of the population has been denounced as a threat to Islamic way of life.
Feudalism is another example. While a thing of distant past for developed countries, feudal system in Pakistan is still a reality that very much afflicts us today. Land reform is seen as the most effective way to break the feudal power but Pakistan’s history of reform is quite dismal. The Federal Shariat Court under Zia declared the concept of land reform un-Islamic, stifling future debate and action. Since then, land reform has been absent from political agenda and that explains why feudalism still persists. The ruling offered rural political elite protection by preserving their traditional source of authority. Power abuse in rural areas through controlling justice and human development opportunities, no wonder, continues unabated in our society.
Years of abuse of religion for political gain have overshadowed the real essence of Islam. Instead a deeply distorted image of Islam has dominated thinking and practice. Islam, a religion that truly symbolises peace, humility and compassion has been twisted to legitimise violence. What is even more ironic is that those groups who have monopolised religion have been selective in its application in their personal lives by embracing what would benefit them while dismissing the rest at their convenience. While much that is negative is legitimate a legislation protecting women’s rights endangers Islam.
In sum, the conflation of religion and politics has clearly had huge repercussions for Pakistan. It has stifled opportunities for development and progress as seen with the failure of land reform. It has allowed ruling groups to keep their wealth and power unchallenged. New forms of injustices such as the practice of honouring murderers on false grounds have become justified under the banner of religion. The most devastating outcome has been seen in the form of religious terrorism that has claimed thousands of human lives. While it is challenging to identify the roots of religious rage to a single event or factor, the excessive misuse of religion has been prime mover. It is time to break the unholy nexus between religion and politics. The hypocrisy on display must end.
The writer holds a postgraduate degree in Anthropology and Development from the London School of Economics & Political Science. He is a lecturer of International Development for the University of London International Programme