Just months after the raucous welcome of the US president at a “Namaste Trump rally” in a giant cricket stadium filled with more than 100,000 people, and the president’s avowal to deepen the defense and commercial ties between India and the USA, the former has been badly trounced by China in border clashes at the loosely demarcated Line of Actual Control (LAC). It must have been a matter of chagrin as the US has been showering economic and military benedictions over India over a period of time to counter the growing influence of China in the region, but India could not pick up the grit and knack to grapple China, and accomplish the given task of balancing the weight at least in the region. Ever since Narendra Modi grabbed the corridors of power in India in 2014, the domestic mood has considerably changed from being a pluralistic polity to a bigoted one, where the media men, philosophers, intellectuals, judges, policemen, and laymen in the slums have been made to feel like the truculent soldiers of primitive times gloating over the tales of defeats of their enemies. Whether it’s a yarn of surgical strikes in Pakistan or the account of pummeling the Chinese soldiers to death at Galwan Valley, the Indians of almost all hues sitting in front of TV screens accept these stories enthusiastically coming out of the mouths of shouting anchors. But outside the peripheries of India, neutral opinion makers believe that Indian soldiers were drubbed in the recent border clashes with China. Twenty Indian soldiers died in the fight that was fought with batons and fists. A strange dichotomy: both nations abide by the agreement called “Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility” signed in 1996, and the agreement says that the armies of both countries will not indulge in armed clash along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). That’s why they rely on sticks and clouts during frictions. From the Chinese point of view, capturing the heights of Galwan renders a strategic edge by keeping an eye on the recently built Darbuk-Shyok-DBO highway To grasp the Sino-Indian collisions at LAC, one needs to understand a few geographical realties. India’s border with China is not clearly defined. This is the reason that both sides keep getting into conflicts at the vaguely defined border. There are many areas at LAC claimed by both the countries. The Indian border with China, stretching over the tract of 4056 km, is divided into three main sectors: eastern, middle and western. The eastern sector carries the regions of Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim, separated by Bhutan that sprawls between both of these territories. In the middle sector, there are areas of Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh; while at western side stands the region of Ladakh where the current standoff befalls. Ladakh is a part of Indian occupied Kashmir, and now termed as a separate union territory as a result of scrapping article 370 in the Indian Occupied Kashmir. Analysts opine that China, while dealing with India at LAC, cleverly employs the strategy of “Salami Slicing” – which is a military strategy used by a state against its enemy state by making small skirmishes at the border, avoiding bigger clashes that may involve the whole big warfare, and may involve a huge mayhem. In these little clashes, a state moves two steps ahead, but brings a step back when mediators call for ceasefire and peace. Ostensibly, a step is taken back, but in real still at an advantage of one step ahead. In this game plan, the enemy is damaged slice by slice. It is said that China dexterously uses this tactic against India during border fights. In 1962, it captured a considerable part of Arunachal Pradesh, and also Aksai Chin, which was a part of Ladakh and which India still considers a part of Ladakh. During negotiations, China stepped back from the captured areas of Arunachal Pradesh, but maintained its hold on Aksai Chin. The recent standoff took place at Galwan, Pangong Tso Lake and Hot Springs – all these areas are in Ladakh and touches the borders of Aksai Chin. Both China and India regard Galwan valley areas as theirs. The height of Galwan is a very important strategic point. If it remains under the control of Peoples Liberation Army of China, it can erect serious troubles for India. The highest point in Ladakh region is Daulat Beg Oldi. It is important for India as the top hills here overlook Siachen as well as Aksai Chin. But it has always been difficult for Indian forces to reach there because of dilapidated routes. India started constructing a 255 KM long road from Leh to DBO in 2000, and now the road is ready. The road can carry Indian artillery and military contingents to DBO within a few hours. It runs along the Aksai Chin – a main concern for China. From the Chinese point of view, capturing the heights of Galwan renders a strategic edge by keeping an eye on the recently built Darbuk-Shyok-DBO highway – a key supply route to India’s most forward military base located near the Karakoram Pass. Moreover, standing on the hills of Galwan, the Chinese can maintain their surveillance over Indian troops coming from Leh towards Aksai Chin. Then, Glawan is just close to one of the most important corridors of China’s Belt and Road initiative that runs through Karakorum. From Indian point of view, Galwan is the entry point to Aksai Chin, which was a part of Ladakh before 1962. And with Galwan under its control, India can reinforce its defense of Siachen and Leh (another strategic point in Ladakh). There is now huge hullaballoo in India to retaliate and take revenge of the20 army-men killed in the clashes. Indian policy makers know that it is not easier to hit the country that has progressed tremendously in last two decades. China is five times the size of India in terms of GDP. Its defense spending is three times higher than New Delhi’s. India will have to review its approach to dealing with China’s Belt and Road initiative, South China Sea politics and relations with Dalai Lama, in order to bring peace and opportunity in the region. But many independent analysts say that it is not possible until the xenophobic Narendra Modi perches on the seat of power at New Delhi, instilling war-mongering instincts in all sections of Indian society. The writer is an educationist and historian