Lily Tomlin, a distinguished American comedian quipped, “The trouble with the rat race is that even if you win, you’re still a rat.” In the recent Dhaka play, the rats were not handicapped, marginalized, or economically deprived, whose quotas could be justifiable over concerns of meritocracy. Instead, rats were the descendants of freedom fighters during the 1971 liberation war. The students protested against the sons and grandsons of the warriors who had fought for independence. This quota movement, born from horrors of bloodshed transformed into a nationwide Revolution. According to United Nations report, this bloody revolution engulfed nearly 650 people between July 16, 2024, and August 11, 2024. Former Premier Hasina, after quenching her thirst from the blood of victims, fled to India following the intervention of Armed forces. Reservation was the root of all troubles in this scenario. Youth protested against the quota system of government, according to which 56 percent of jobs were reserved in the public sector, with 30 percent for veterans’ descendants, 10 percent for women, 10 percent zila quota for backward districts, 5 percent for ethnic minorities, and 1 percent for handicaps. Only 44 percent of jobs were merit-based. Around 4 lakh graduates compete for 300 civil service jobs every year. It is a dire situation. The protest was not against the quota system; it was instead for the reformation of the system. The anti-quota protestors demanded the 30 percent quota for veterans’ descendants be abolished. They supported reserving jobs for ethnic minorities and people with disabilities. Governments fall, but the political system does not change. Chronicle started in 1972, just a year after separation, as the quota system for Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS) was introduced. This initial system included 30 percent reservation for freedom fighters, 10 percent for affected women (Birangana) of liberation war, 40 percent for the people from the various districts of Bangladesh, and 20 percent for the candidates qualified on merit. The notable point here is that this quota system was applicable only to the freedom fighters. Later in 1997, this quota was extended to the children of freedom fighters, and in 2010, it was further expanded to include their grandchildren. Giving reservations to freedom fighters who risked their lives and fought for their country’s independence is understandable. However, extending the reservation to their children and grandchildren is murky. After the decision to include grandchildren, Dhaka witnessed a big movement during 2012-13 against this quota system. 2018 was significant and intense period of student-led protests. In February 2018, the Bangladesh General Students’ Right Protection Council (BSRC) demanded reforms in the quota system. Clashes took place between the students and the pro-quota agitators. In October 2018, under pressure, Dhaka issued a circular that removed the quota system for the 9th-13th grade job recruitment process. The matter would have ended here, but in 2021, seven students from the families of freedom fighters filed a petition in the High Court (HC) against this circular. On June 5, 2024, the HC decided in favor of the petitioners, declared the circular illegal, and reintroduced the quota system. Now begins a decisive blood-soaked “July movement”. On July 1, Protests rekindled all over the country. On July 10, Supreme Court (SC) suspended the HC’s order for a month but protests continued. On July 14, the fugitive ex-premier made controversial remarks by heating a treacherous debate about ”Razakar” amidst this tense situation. The word refers to paramilitary group from East Pakistan that collaborated with West Pakistan in the 1971 liberation war and is considered derogatory in Bangladesh. In the beginning, protests were peaceful, but by mid-July the situation escalated to a very violent and terrible turn. Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), which is the student wing of Awami League, along with the police attacked student protestors and deadly clashes broke out. Educational Institutions were shut down. Internet services were suspended. On July 19, government imposed a military curfew and forces opened fire on protestors. To confront the protestors, 7,000 paramilitary troops were called. Between July 10 and 20, at least 187 people were killed and more than 1000 arrested during violence and crackdown. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) called on Dhaka to protect the demonstrators against any form of threat or violence. On July 21, top court ordered the reduction of the quota from 30 to 5 percent for veterans’ descendants. 2 percent for ethnic minorities, transgender people, and disabled people, and the remaining 93 percent of jobs to be allocated on merit. Following the decision, Dhaka enjoyed a shaky calm. Internet connectivity was restored partially. The protesters renewed their demands, which included the PM taking responsibility for those killed, the sacking of several officers and authorities involved in violence, the reopening of institutions, and several others. Protests resumed on 29 July. On August 3, protestors made a one-point demand of the resignation of Hasina and the formation of a “national government” headed by a person who is “acceptable to all.” at a major rally in Dhaka. Students announced a plan to hold a march to Dhaka from all parts of the country. The next day, widespread clashes broke out in Dhaka and in at least 21 districts of the country, nearly killing 100 people. 5th August 2024 will be a historic day for Bangladesh. Crowds storm Hasina’s official residence. Hasina resigned and fled after 15 years via India. Protesters storm the prime minister’s residence. They also vandalized the Mujeeb’s statue, Hasina’s father and founding father of Bangladesh. The UK refused her request for asylum following the US cancelling her visa. If India grants political asylum to Sheikh Hasina, it risks souring relations with the incumbent government, similar to the Tibet-China situation with the Dalai Lama. Army chief General Waker-uz-Zaman announced the formation of an interim government. On 8 August, the Nobel Peace laureate, Muhammad Yunus, takes oath as head of Bangladesh’s interim government. On 10 August, Bangladesh chief justice resigned amid protests and a day after Syed incumbent Chief Justice Refaat Ahmed was sworn in. Students from campus toppled the capital. Unfortunately, there is a dark truth about such revolutions. Governments fall, but the political system does not change. One dictator is removed, and a new dictator comes. This is a big challenge for Bangladesh and its youth. Student groups have greater responsibility now. They have to ensure that their country does not fall into fundamentalism or dictatorship but into a strong democratic force. The writer is a freelance columnist.