Hafiz Saeed, world renowned for his position on Kashmir and India, had openly helped the state in implementing its Kashmir policy through his jihadi infrastructure. But since the state reversed its Kashmir policy since the Musharraf era, the groups which worked for state faced international sanctions and rebuke. Hafiz Saeed’s group also changed its name to Jamatud Dawa (JuD) after international sanctions. Since UNSC Resolution 1267 was passed, there has always been fear that Pakistan may be forced to take action against JuD — but somehow, the group has managed to survive. Why Hafiz Saeed has survived so far is because of his huge philanthropist network and his continued silent association with the state; that is why he decided to make a political party by the name of Milli Muslim League (MML) to adjust himself and the JuD within the national political landscape for further legitimisation. India is continuously trying to blame Pakistan for continuing to support jihadi organisations, which Pakistan flatly denied. Army Chief General Bajwa recently conveyed to visiting US CENTCOM Chief General Joseph Votel that we want recognition for our efforts to eliminate terrorism and terrorist groups — and an appreciation of the sacrifices that we have suffered, which outnumber American casualties more than tenfold. There was clear message: that Pakistan is a force for good and a part of the solution to regional issues and it must not be viewed from a prejudiced perspective. A hardcore militant organisation is transforming into a confessional political party. Is it going to be Hamas or Hizbullah in South Asia? Only time will tell. But JuD has acquired the credentials to mobilise immense mass movements on issues sensitive to the public, which can also enhance social outreach of JuD. It is also an active member of Difa-e-Pakistan Council (DPC), which started its campaign against US drone strikes in 2012. JuD originally worked to recruit people for jihad, but also established a solid and widespread social welfare infrastructure which has hundreds of offices across Pakistan, including Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan. According to some sources, there are even JuD offices in FATA, because it was the first organisation to get access to IDP’s of FATA after mass exodus, and they recruited many from FATA as volunteers to help themselves. There are over 500 English medium schools and colleges, massive transport network, one of the biggest fleet of ambulances, dozens of hospitals and health centres. Looking at its mammoth social welfare apparatus, it would be foolish for JuD to enter into a confrontation with the state. Powerful actor has more stakes in any system to survive because of its vulnerability as its working under the law as compared to weak actor which is less vulnerable because it has nothing to lose. JuD’s tools of soft power — using its social work to legitimise their past, primarily for external powers’ consumption — have failed to showcase JuD’s soft image. Now JuD has chosen to use politics as a tool to legitimise its work, although it is the same political system which JuD castigated and declared un-Islamic in the past. But now, it wants to be a part of the legitimate state fabric by reaching parliament and democratic institutions to effectively raise its voice — which is its right, if people of Pakistan support their manifesto, and Election Commission of Pakistan allows them to register party. Hafiz Saeed and the JuD are rebranding themselves as a political force — the MML — to integrate themselves deeper into the legitimate formal state structures of Pakistan The international community must understand that Pakistan has done tremendous work in eliminating militant organisations. Either militants have been eliminated or they are getting deradicalised and mainstreamed. But there must be truth and reconciliation which should investigate what this conflict has done to all affected persons in our societies. It will be good for institutional harmony in Pakistan, and it will be an example for those groups which want to give up the insurgency and reintegrate into the system. There is a strong possibility that the stigma of Pakistan still having a soft corner for militants will be finished with such a truth and reconciliation commission. But it has to be seen if the state wants silent integration, or wants to make it a model for other militant organisations who want to surrender. Supremacy of the Constitution and of rule of law must be encouraged in Pakistan, regardless of any political upheaval. A democratic system is effective when the electorate enjoy options and everyone has a fair chance to participate in the system. Until MML does not clarify its stance on militancy, it must not be allowed to register. There are examples worldwide where militant organisations have been part of societal fabric. Recently we have seen in Afghanistan where Gulbadin Hikmatyar, known as butcher of Kabul, and his party, Hizb-e-Islami, has been welcomed into the mainstream. There must be a national consensus that if JUD wants change then it should be considered a positive move, and they should be allowed to present their manifesto to the Pakistani electorate. The writer is is Strategic and Political analyst. He teaches international politics in NUML Islamabad Published in Daily Times, August 23rd 2017.