A tragedy opera on the multi-floor stage of Radio City Hall in New York could only be described as a symbolic reflection of the happenings in Pakistan these days. Identical to mechanically operated floors of the hall that pop up and down, are faded out and spotlighted, the actors do not have to bear the hassle of moving unless they have to and become active according to the story sequence. On one floor of our national stage there is a gory scene on the western border and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where people are being killed, maimed, and driven from their homes and businesses, and with militants taking charge of one tribal area or the other followed by military operations and drone attacks. The floor showing Karachi and Sindh receives the spotlight with political and sectarian violence emerging every now and then. There is another active scene of the opposition parties outside parliament, with background music and chants of ‘security risk’ and promises of tsunamis in the next elections. The Supreme Court is on an elevated floor of the stage, loaded with directives and verdicts that are bound to be ignored by the executive in a holier-than-thou competition among state institutions. Parliament’s floor shows resolutions and debates of various kinds landing in a dark spot, given the state of governance and clash of political egos. A side-stage has flashbacks from happenings in London and Washington with some anti-heroes and side characters. Issues like unrest in Balochistan, people’s bread and butter, and life and death surface only as a distraction in the power game because the character actor is too powerful in the play. The storyline is in constant pursuit of the villain. Every character identifies a villain with a loud self-righteous boast. This proposed villain is usually found on the opposite floor, but sometime shares the floor with the accuser. Corruption, economic woes, power shortages, and real life issues are fictionalised by selective application. The characters in our tragic play champion bad-mouthing and indulge in self-contradiction openly without a speck of remorse. While the scenes of this tragedy opera are disturbing for the interactive audience, the Pakistanis, the world seems to have become weary of these scenes, almost wanting to leave the opera, as seen specifically in moments of crisis. The 2011 flood devastation did not receive enough sympathetic response, in part because from 2005 to 2010 Pakistan consumed a large part of the emergency humanitarian aid. In the case of the Salalah attacks, we had less countries speaking up for us than the fingers on one hand. Pakistan’s foreign policy narrative based on claims of being a victim of terrorism failed to convince people both at home and abroad. Our image could not be made better than our reality. Policy elites are relying on public fury based on vague notions of sovereignty and nationalism without realising the ramifications of an emotional response and international isolation. In a broader framework of nationhood and history, we are in multiple layers of transition: from military to civilian governance, from a security conscious to progress-oriented state, from a theocratic to democratic order, from donor dependent to (enforced) self-reliant economy and from western ally to responsible South Asian country. Each transition is easier said than done. As far as theocratisation of the country is concerned, the process halted in the late 1980s. Some steps were taken to deconstruct the theocratic model in recent years, e.g. joint electorates and Hudood law amendments. The deconstruction process, though it was slow but still vital to the democratic dispensation, stalled after with the assassinations of Governor Salmaan Taseer and federal minister Shahbaz Bhatti. While we need effective measures to deal with issues in this transition, we also need long-term and broad-based reforms to reconstruct the economy and polity, regain socio-psychological balance and repair our position in the comity of nations. Matters of justice from the past and the present mingle so easily that the role of the Supreme Court of Pakistan would be at risk of confusion. Involving the apex court in litigation with political underpinnings can politicise the justice system. Therefore, we need institutions like the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa that can give a patient hearing and sound findings on all matters of national importance, e.g. allegations of crimes in the 1971 war by the Bangladesh government, political assassinations, the Kargil issue, and the memo scandal, etc. Someone will have to clarify the distinction between judicial, transitional and restorative forms of justice, which is becoming a refined science as countries increasingly put these concepts into practice. Over 30 countries have set up truth and reconciliation commissions in the past 15 years. Moreover, the political, social and religious leadership of the country will have to convince the Pakistani nation that violence in any form and manifestation would have to cease and that revenge is no way forward. De-weaponisation of society will have to be effected with concerted efforts. Nevertheless, it is difficult to imagine peace and security without having an effective counter-terrorism policy. Pakistan needs a good counter-terrorism policy, laws and institutions for its own survival. In the best-case scenario these transitions should not only be allowed, but also facilitated with conscious decisions. There are many able, dedicated and credible experts in each field who can give us road maps for reform in law and policy relating to agriculture, the economy, education, health and the power sectors. Foreign policy cannot be left to our mythical geostrategic importance or the weakness of others. Our policy mangers, besides being professional, will have to rely on real and homegrown strengths. In other words, they need a product to sell. This cannot come about amid political instability. Rather, it can be accomplished by a confident government, which learns from its mistakes and allows freedoms and rights. These are prerequisites for a democratic nation in the 21st century — to not only self-critique but also to create and produce. The opera based on tragedy must end. The writer is a human rights activist and can be reached at jacobpete@gmail.com