After partition of the subcontinent, the Communist Party of India (CPI) sent some of its Muslim members led by Marxist intellectual, Sajjad Zaheer, to Pakistan with a view to fostering ties with labour leaders, student union leaders and leftist politicians to pave the way for communist revolution in Pakistan. Zaheer formed the Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) in 1948, and made contacts with labour and peasants’ leaders and trade unionists. He also created the Democratic Students Federation (DSF), which was the party’s student wing. However, it was not proclaimed as a wing of the CPP. Some of the members joined political parties like the Azad Pakistan Party launched by Mian Iftikhar-ud-din, National Awami Party and the Pakistan People’s Party. Though the CPP was active in organising industrial workers and peasants for a communist uprising, it tried to expedite revolutionary process in Pakistan by unwittingly getting involved in a military coup by Major-General Akbar Khan.
After taking some officers from military and the police in confidence, Khan had approached his friends in the CPP to benefit from influence the party had over progressive/leftist student groups, labour unions and the intelligentsia. Another purpose was to seek their help in post-coup period for running the country. However, in 1951, some officers divulged the secret plan, and thus the coup was aborted. Many CPP members included Zaheer were arrested and the party was banned. Zaheer and those who had come along with him from India were deported back to India. In 1954, the DSF was also banned, which was later rechristened as National Students Federation (NSF). Hassan Nasir, a scion of aristocratic family but ardent believer in communism came back to Pakistan. He was arrested and tortured to death on 13th November 1960. In 1960s, there was an ideological rift between the Soviet Union and China.
In Pakistan, CPP members Zain-ud-din Lodhi, Tufail Abbas and Rashid Hassan Khan were in pro-China group, whereas Dr Aizaz Nazir, Syed Jamal-ud-din Naqvi and others were in pro-Soviet Union group. CPP’s pro-Soviet members joined the then NAP, whereas pro-China members either joined NAP-Bhashani or Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s PPP. Unfortunately, party leaders could not make a mark in Pakistan’s politics, because of their flawed strategy, and state repression. Some activists during their discourse with labourers were critical of religion with the result many workers considered them working against their faith. Communists more often than not looked for some ‘prince’ or a politician with charisma, and sent its cadres to different political parties. In 1968, the Ayub government was celebrating a decade of reforms with much fanfare while there were countrywide protests going on against sugar price hike.
At the same time, there was a spontaneous students’ movement, and in November 1968, police opened fire on National Students Federation’s rally in Rawalpindi, killing three protesters. Bhutto’s PPP and the NAP had also participated in the movement of radical trade and labour unions. Seeing public unrest, Ayub decided to call it a day, and instead of handing over power to the Speaker of national assembly, he asked army chief Yahya Khan to take charge. Yahya Khan promulgated martial law in the country. Fast forward a bit, 1970 elections were held and the Awami League came out victorious as a single majority party, but power was not transferred to the Awami League. There was anarchy and civil war in the then East Pakistan, and the country disintegrated. However, the causes of disintegration and details of those events are beyond the scope of this article.
The PPP being the majority party in West Pakistan formed the government. Working classes had supported the PPP because of its programme and slogan of “roti, kapra and makaan” (bread, clothing and housing). With nationalisation of industries, banks, insurance companies and even ginning factories, industrialists and business class had turned against Bhutto. In 1972, there was unrest among factory workers especially in Sindh Industrial Trading Estates, firstly due to the reaction of workers who had been ruthlessly exploited during the Ayub era. Secondly, some textile factories had laid off their workers and closed down their factories as they were not allowed to continue thakedari (contractual) system whereby workers were employees of the person who gave them the job. The PPP government had formed a committee comprising the then minister of state for public affairs, Mairaj Muhammad Khan, and provincial labour minister, Abdul Sattar Gabol to pacify the workers.
This scribe was head of the negotiating team in the SITE, and after negotiations with factory owners thousands of workers were reinstated, and many got their dues like gratuity, which was not paid by employers while sacking of workers. After nationalisation, workers got a fair deal but many nationalised industries collapsed, as those were run mostly by bureaucracy’s section officers who had no experience in industry and commerce. Bhutto organised the Islamic summit, and the US and the West were unhappy with him because of his desire to develop nuclear arsenal. The US allegedly had vowed to make a horrible example out of him. With agricultural reforms, nationalisation and socialist programme of the PPP, religious right was mobilised against secularism. After charges of rigging on 35 National Assembly seats, Pakistan National Alliance launched a nationwide movement, which culminated in promulgation of martial law by General Zia-ul-Haq in 1977.
After Bhutto was hanged in 1979, his wife Nusrat Bhutto and daughter Benazir Bhutto were in a state of shock for some time. However in 1980, Mrs Bhutto started holding meetings with leaders of left-oriented parties — the Awami National Party, Qaumi Mahaz-e-Azadi (QMA) of Mairaj Muhammad Khan and Mazdoor Kissan Party. A few centre-right parties — Pakistan Muslim League (Khwaja Khair-ud-din group and Malik Qasim group), Pakistan Democratic Party and Tehrik-e-Istaqlal also joined the party. An alliance, Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD), was formed in February 1981. Chairman QMA had nominated this scribe to head the delegation at 90 Clifton comprising him, Iqbal Haider, Taj Haider and others, because Mairaj held her in very high esteem and did not like to disagree with her over Tehrik-e-Istaqlal joining the MRD. Nevertheless, struggle between the haves and haves-not would continue.
The writer is a freelance columnist. He can be reached at [email protected]