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Anayat Baig

The provisional constitutional province mantra: history, facts and fallacies

Published on: December 4, 2018 3:21 AM

A new mantra of ‘provisional constitutional province’ is being floated by the Naya Pakistan proponents. This has generated another controversy on social media and in political circles. While some pro-province forces are upbeat about the proposition, the Kashmiri leadership as usual has expressed their reservation about it.

If such a plan is approved and imposed on Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) what will be the consequences for the two million people of GB as well as for Pakistan? Is the proposal doable and viable? Is Pakistan morally, diplomatically and politically in a position to take another U-turn on its own stance on the status of GB vis-à-vis Kashmir dispute and defy UN resolutions? Is it another ploy by the establishment and the ruling elite of Pakistan to defuse the rising sense of deprivation among the local people?

As citizens of Gilgit-Baltistan, we warn the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Prime Minister Imran Khan, Minister of State for Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan Ali Gandapur, GB Governor Raja Jalal Maqpoon, Tehreek-e-Insaf’s local leaders, workers, and all those organizations that if any plan is imposed on the region and GB is made a ‘provisional province of Pakistan’ without the region’s consent, it will be resisted strongly

If such a plan is imposed on the region, it will only benefit the ruling elite and increase their perks and privileges by giving them representation in Pakistan’s parliament as observers. And the ordinary people and working class will as usual remain deprived of their long standing demand of internal autonomy, including their own constitution, an independent assembly, judiciary and their fundamental right of ownership of their land, minerals, forests and other natural resources.

What history says?

If we dig deeper into history and analyse the status of GB in historical, geopolitical and cultural perspective, it will be easy to understand the current situation.

Gilgit-Baltistan was the cradle of an ancient civilization, and maintained its unique autonomous status for centuries before falling victim to external invasions by the Mughals and Dogras. Some of the rulers who resisted foreign invasion and protected the region successfully included Sher Ali Anchan, Raja Gohar Aman, Dadi Juwari ( the title of grandmother was added as a mark of respect for the courageous woman ruler), and Malika Nur Bakht. Historians and travellers in their accounts have not only described the successes of these rulers for defeating foreign invasions and maintaining the region’s autonomy but also their exemplary governance and welfare work.

How the state withered away and was divided into small principalities controlled by Sinkiang governorate, rulers of Kashmir and British colonial power is part of history.

After the Partition of the Subcontinent, the British colonial rulers in collusion with the Pakistani and local ruling elite ended the autonomy of the region through a sinister design implemented by Major Alexander Brown and some local Muslim officers of the Dogra army by annexing the region to create a buffer zone between the Soviet Union, the first communist state in the world, and the Subcontinent.

The GB turned into a disputed territory and its administrative control was handed over to Sardar Alam, a 16-grade revenue officer from Peshawar. Despite the UN’s resolution asking Pakistan to withdraw its forces from the region, and to ensure GB’s autonomy and its governance through the elected representatives of the people, Pakistan continued its bureaucratic stranglehold over the region by offering cosmetic reforms to counter any resistance movement, defusing the rising sense of deprivation among the local population.

What we want?

We acknowledge Pakistan’s stance and compulsions on the Kashmir issue. However, we categorically clarify that Gilgit-Baltistan cannot be made a constitutional part of Pakistan until the resolution of the Kashmir dispute.

Given the popular demand and the aspirations of the people of Gilgit-Baltistan, the best possible option for Pakistan without getting into any diplomatic and political controversy, is to introduce an AJK-like setup in GB, which ensures an independent assembly with the power to legislate and which is protected by its own constitution. The federal government can keep defence, currency and foreign policy, however, access to justice through an independent judiciary; restoration of the pre-partition era State Subject Rules to stop demographic change in the region; dissolution of the Federal Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit-Baltistan as well as Gilgit-Baltistan Council needs to be done.

As citizens of Gilgit-Baltistan, we warn the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Prime Minister Imran Khan, Minister of State for Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan Ali Gandapur, GB Governor Raja Jalal Maqpoon, Tehreek-e-Insaf’s local leaders, workers, and all those organizations that if any plan is imposed on the region and GB is made a ‘provisional province of Pakistan’ without the region’s consent, it will be resisted strongly.

The decision to make GB a fifth province of Pakistan can only be made by the local independent assembly, unanimously.

The writer is a freelance columnist

Published in Daily Times, December 4th 2018.

Filed Under: Commentary / Insight

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