After many times at bat, to use a cricket metaphor, Imran Khan has a chance to hit for six. But will he? His Pakistan-Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) won the majority in Parliament. However, a coalition government will still be required that limits the power of any executive. Way back when Asif Zardari became president in 2008 and before he voluntarily returned many of his powers to the Prime Minister and Parliament, his governing cabinet was so large it could accommodate the many disparate elements of the coalition, making it largely impotent. What Mr Khan can and will do remains to be seen. Yet, Pakistan needs a strong central government to deal with its manifest, and in some cases, potentially existential issues. The history of Pakistan since independence in 1947 has been uneven and tragic. This country of some 200 million plus has not been able to achieve the greatness that often seemed within reach. In the 1950’s, its economy was the envy of South Asia. Sadly, from 1971-1977, Prime Minister and then President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto nationalised it. Stagnation followed. Mr Khan is aiming not to privatize much of it through his designated Minister of Finance, Asad Umar but to turn these companies into “wealth funds” and thus not responsive to political manipulation. What this means is unclear. President (General) Ziaul Haq, who presided over the execution of his former boss Mr. Bhutto, radicalised the country through a program of Islamisation. Thousands of Madaris were established, supported with ample Saudi and Wahhabi funding. Eventually, the Soviets left, democracy came back to Pakistan, only to end in Musharraf’s coup. Not long after, 9/11 happened and Pakistan became a frontline ally in America’s War on Terror. Previously, relations with the U.S. were badly damaged by Pakistan’s decision to detonate nuclear weapons in 1998. The need for nuclear weapons as a deterrent to India exacerbated the potential danger of the Indo-Pak conflict well after the 1971 War that turned East Pakistan into Bangladesh. Meanwhile, China is a major creditor for Pakistan. China is increasing its influence in Islamabad with loans, investments and more military sales along with the development of the Gwadar port and CPEC. Foreign debt and debt servicing remain huge financial problems. Conditions in Afghanistan as the Taliban gain further traction and political control complicate the relationship with the US as Washington attempts to draw New Delhi closer as an offset to China, along with Russia, now designated as a “peer competitor”. Radicalism still infects much of Pakistan, as well as Khan’s preferences towards the conservative side of Islam. This alone worries people in Washington and elsewhere who remain focused on Al Qaeda, ISIS and other violent extremist groups whose tentacles are expanding. Foreign debt and debt servicing remain huge financial problems. Conditions in Afghanistan as the Taliban gain further traction and political control complicate the relationship with the US as Washington attempts to draw New Delhi closer as an offset to China. Khan’s own politics also frighten people abroad who worry about increasing radicalism Suspicion of Army and ISI engagement in the recent elections persist as Khan and PTI appear more easily subject to manipulation than PML-N. Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in jail and the PPP seems to be in decline. However, the Army has always played an oversized role in Pakistani politics, directly running the country for much of its existence. What is most interesting is the end of the rule of “the three and half families” that long dominated Pakistani politics — the Sharifs; the Bhutto-Zardaris; the Army; and the half family — the Choudhry’s. PTI is still a minority among even smaller minorities. It has no experience in governing, which further complicates its challenges. And while Imran Khan is surely charismatic, it is far from certain he has the character, experience and qualities to govern. From a Western perspective, democracy is in trouble not only in Britain over Brexit and Germany and Italy over failing to govern. Russia and China are seen as “rising.” In Eastern Europe — Austria, Hungary and the elsewhere — leaders are getting more and more authoritarian. The key question is, where will the PTI democracy turn and how well will it govern? One bet: do not plan on conditions in Pakistan improving for a long time to come. The writer is a distinguished senior fellow and visiting professor at the US Naval War College; has served on the Senior Advisory Group for Supreme Allied Commander Europe (2004-2016) and is currently Senior Advisor at Washington DC’s Atlantic Council, chairman of two private companies and principal author of the doctrine of shock and awe. A former naval person, he commanded a destroyer in the Persian Gulf and led over 150 missions and operations in Vietnam as a Swift Boat skipper.His latest book is Anatomy of Failure: Why America Has Lost Every War It Starts. The writer can be reached on Twitter @harlankullman Published in Daily Times, August 8th 2018.