Amidst the onslaught of various allegations hurled at the Pakhtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM), the latest offensive against it is its expanding list of demands while ditching negotiations and maligning the army. Besides being hackneyed, these perceptions and allegations are an oversight of ground realities, oversimplifying the issues raised and trails of events faced by the nascent movement. Its current shape, tone and tenor had been formed by what the protesting youth faced during their march to Islamabad starting from Dera Ismail Khan (D I Khan) on January 26, 2018. The march was apparently triggered by the cold blooded murder of the young Naqeebullah Mehsood in Karachi in a fake encounter by Rao Anwar’s gang. It worked as the proverbial last straw breaking the camel’s back. Once proceeding from D I Khan neither the hitherto unknown Mehsood Tahffuz Movement nor its organisers remained the same. Before reaching Islamabad, hurdles were created for the marching youth not to go beyond Kohat. The onward journey was the outcome of sheer commitment of a core committee of 22 youngsters’ resolve on oath, amid nerves receding pressure, to continue at any cost. Their resolve strengthened further when the security apparatus wanted them to limit their demands to Naqeeb’s case only. Tactics to control and sabotage continued after the march turned into a 10-day long sit-in in Islamabad. The state’s tamed tribal elements were used to sabotage to windup the protest as soon as possible, particularly after the meeting with the prime minister on February 6 without any substantial guarantees. Meanwhile the word on Islamabad sit-in spread like wild fire all over the country, particularly in the region of conflict affected Pukhtun areas and beyond, triggering public support from Swat to Quetta. The march and sit-in resulted in the Pakhtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM). On the other hand, the way Rao Anwar’s case was being handled by the state widened the gulf of mistrust. Anwar’s botched attempt to escape the country via Islamabad, his subsequent mysterious disappearance in Islamabad, his letters to the Supreme Court and later his theatrical appearance in the top court and recent declaration by the local court to turn his house as sub jail, forced the PTM leadership to interpret the negotiations and so-called guarantees as mere tactics to placate the situation. Before the march could reach Islamabad, hurdles were created to keep the young leaders beyond Kohat. The onward journey was the outcome of sheer commitment of a core committee of 22 youngsters’ resolve on oath, amid nerves receding pressure, to continue at any cost All this happened in the face of departmental investigation that called the police encounter as staged. Besides, their reservations regarding the entire project of War on Terror were further reinforced by the post encounter statement of Rao Anwar wherein he declared, rather tried to prove, Naqeeb as an important member of the TTP syndicate and a jet black terrorist. Any action or excess taken in the name of War on Terror and Taliban provides automatic guarantee to immunity. Thus, the reality of entire war on terror project should be viewed within the context of post Naqeeb murder statement by Rao Awar. During their negotiations in Islamabad, the leaders of the sit-in realised that the entire project of War on Terror was a no go area for the civilians, therefore, their questions had to be directed to the army. Later events further deteriorated the trust deficit and instilled into the mind of PTM leadership that instead of unearthing truth and demanding accountability, merely obtaining temporary concessions to placate the situation can later provoke retaliation which would jeopardise the lives of PTM leaders as well as its supporters. Highhandedness faced by the PTM supporters after the sit-in in the form of abductions, intimidations and threats calibrated their apprehensions. A total black out by the print and electronic media did not help to alleviate distrust either. When the PTM kicked off its rallies in the first week of March, the movement and its supporters faced stiff resistance. The movement was not only labelled as anti-state but alternative events were orchestrated in the areas where it was scheduled to hold rallies. Encountering the PTM was taken to another level when FIRs were registered against the leaders, supporters and organisers. Subsequently, counter rallies were organised by the scurrilously formed Pakistan Zindabad Movement (PZM) to disarm the PTM rallies. Before the PTM Swat rally on April 29, two rallies were organised in Matta and Mingora by the PZM. Despite using all resources and proxies, even PTI’s MPA Fazal Hakim and PML-N’s Jalat Khan, the rallies could not muster public support. In defiance of the apparatus devised to intimidate the organisers and potential participants, the PTM rally attracted huge enthusiastic participation. Post rally, the intelligence began to visit the participants to collect their details with questions of why they had participated. The same is now being seen in Karachi, where last Sunday the Rangers unduly interfered with the PTM’s consultative meeting in Karachi. After the PTM announced May 12 for its rally in Karachi, mainstream political parties also announced public gatherings on the same day. The question is, how can it be a mere coincidence? The PTM’s jalsa will now take place on May 13. The expansion of PTM and its support base beyond FATA would naturally result in including the grievances of other areas. Besides, the magnitude of issues and miseries inflicted by the brute force in disregard of human and constitutional laws, particularly the complex issue of missing persons, necessitates the broader framework of transparency and accountability. Moreover, the War on Terror project has boomeranged full circle internationally as well as nationally. In the last four months, the PTM has shattered the smokescreen and involuntarily exposed mainstream political parties who did not dare question due to their weakness and compromised status. Dozens of targeted killings occurred in Swat only, particularly in the first three years of PTI government. But there was no condemnation, public or otherwise. Instead of treating the affect (grievances and miseries), the solution is to remove causes which lie in imposed destructive polices. Thus, the PTM aptly demanded constituting a truth and reconciliation commission to look into the affairs of the War on Terror. As far as criticism of the army is concerned, it is not directed against the institution, rather it should be viewed as a critique of the mindset prevalent among segments that tends to dominate foreign and security policies by overstepping the institution’s constitutional role. The army is trying to pacify the situation by granting some concessions through an intermediary, especially a Jirga, while encountering the movement’s activities directly. In contrast, the PTM demands a constitutional treatment like recognition of its members as citizens with rights and responsibilities, and ability to hold public officials accountable and seek remedies in cases of wrongdoings and excesses by any organ of the state. Thus, both sides should create conducive environment for negotiations to settle the issues through a constitutional mechanism. The writer is a political analyst hailing from Swat. Tweets @MirSwat Published in Daily Times, May 8th 2018.