The preamble to Constitution of India starts with “We the people of India, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a ‘sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic, republic’ and to secure to all its citizen”. Words like ‘Shining India’, ‘the largest democracy’ and ‘unity in diversity’ create image of an India with heterogeneous demography, social equality and ethnic inclusivity. But what it actually is, is a Baharat that marginalizes out-group religions, discriminates its own people on basis of cast and religion, aggressively oppresses religious minorities and allows only selective religious freedom. The transition of once conceived as ‘secular’ by its founding fathers to an emerging ‘theocratic’ state, where assassin of its founder is idealized and glorified as a national hero, is no less than spectacular. It leaves political and social scientists flabbergasted to see demise of the ‘secular India’ and rise of an ‘only for Hindus Bharat’, a societal retrogression with unlikely parallel in contemporary political history. In simplistic terms, secularity relates to separation of religion from state practices. This separation entails an interpretation of “support none” or “support all” religions in any forms. Indian secular outlook manifested itself in the form of later. At the time of independence from British Raj, Indian National Congress (INC) made a deliberate choice to establish India as a secular nation. Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru shared the same commitment to secularism by embracing all religions. Nehru who staunchly advocated for democracy and secularism throughout his political carrier, was well aware of the fact that India’s unity hinged on the principles of secularism. Indian secularist outlook has been opposed by the Hindutva movement. This ideology, initially articulated by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in 1923, conceptualized as social and religious movement, later transformed into a political force that proclaimed an India exclusively belonging to those who regard it as their fatherland and also holy land. This limits the ownership of India to Hindus, Jains, Buddhists, and Sikhs only, the “in-group”. Whereas Muslim, Christian, and Jewish are considered “out-group” as not belonging to India due to their holy lands located outside India. The politicization of Hindutva ideology was manifested through orchestration of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing Hindu nationalist organization founded in 1925 by Keshav Baliram Hedgewar in Nagpur. RSS provided a formal structure for right-wing Hindus to perpetuate their Hindutva ideology. RSS, along with other Hindu nationalist parties, managed to garner some support and popularity through various communal conflicts, which cast a shadow over India’s secularist outlook. The Hindu Nationalism emerged as a particularly powerful force for two main causes. Firstly, institutional state practices of secularism, that were interventionist and reformist in character, politicized religious identity creating anxiety in upper caste Hindus. Muslim Personal Law that provided legal space to Indian Muslims and Mandal Commission, or the Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission Report 1992 that granted 27% reservation to backward classes in government jobs and educational institutions are cases in point. Hindutva ideologues tapped into Hindu Nationalism sentiment creating and exploiting the feelings of ‘threat’ and sense of deprivation amongst dominant Hindu classes. Secondly, Hindu Nationalist movement acknowledged attraction of Western consumerism and modern technology, however, linked sovereign national modernity to unity and purity of a ‘Hindu Nation’. Political arm of the RSS, the Bahrtiya Janta Parti (BJP), spearheaded the demolition of the Babri Mosque claimed to be built over Ram Janam Bhoomi, elevated BJP’s standing among right-wing Hindus. BJP won just two seats in 1984, to surged to 119 seats in 1991 elections. Eventually, in both 2014 and 2019, BJP secured election victories and formed central governments. However, the main driving force behind the BJP’s electoral successes is widely attributed to Narendra Modi, a former RSS member. During the 2014 election campaign, Modi radiated a moderate stance focusing more on stability and economic development. In contrast, the 2019 elections saw BJP secure an overwhelming majority through a vociferous anti-Pakistan rhetoric and promoting Hindutva values amongst masses India. With the successful implementation of Hindutva-driven policies in his first term as Prime Minister, Modi gained confidence in his pursuit of transforming India into a Hindu religious state. In his second term, he openly rejected the Nehruvian ideology, accusing it of neglecting Indian national interests, resulting in foreign policy failures and diplomatic setbacks that weakened India. BJP’s political and economic vision resonated with a significant portion of the Indian population, offering the promise of making India a ‘formidable global player’. While subscribing to the hard lined Hindutva belief, Modi maintained a pragmatic approach to development. Since 2014, the economy has been the government’s top priority, which facilitates the execution of more aggressive policies rooted in extremist Hindutva ideology. What remains a stark contrast in Western, especially US HR, values is that despite Modi, who was once denied diplomatic visa to US for his alleged role in anti-Muslim riots as Chief Minister Gujrat and India being on watch list of US Commission on International Religious Freedom, still managed to hone in US strategic partnership and a place as regional policeman. Since BJP has risen on the horizons of Indian politics, Indian society has been subjected to deep social fissures and a surge in communal violence especially between Muslims and Hindus. BJP politicians, largely consisting of former RSS members or individuals aligned with its ideology, have openly vilified and demonized Muslims during public gatherings. Hate-filled speeches branding them as Pakistani agents, traitors, and anti-nationals, physical assaults and socio-economic disenfranchisement have become distressingly common. Frequent incidents of mob lynching often by “Gau Rakshaks” in the name of cow protection, campaign like “Ghar Wapsi” for reversion to Hinduism by minorities, instilling communal hate through “Love Jihad”, and other legislative actions like abrogation of Article 370 and Citizenship Amendment Act manifest erosion of Indian secular outlook, marginalization of minorities and rise of a theocratic BHARAT. BJPs unwavering pursuit for cultural nationalism is divisive in character and has resulted in communal polarization, grossly undermining Indian pluralism and cultural diversity. As India approaches to 2024 election, BJP still holds the political cards to dominate domestic politics. However, India also enters a phase of political uncertainty accentuated by a highly polarized social fabric. Even with eroded political signature of INC, BJP is unlikely to garner a united “Hindu” vote attributable to communal fissures instilled by right wing nationalistic politics, compartmentalization of casts and a natural coalition of minority parties to put up a united anti-BJP fight. Raging secessionist conflicts and civil wars in periphery states, burden of miserable handling of COVID-19, pervasive socio-economic disparity will sweep away beleaguered fence sitters and compound BJP’s, along with its Hindutva Ideology, political dilemmas.