The gradual deterioration of social infrastructure, recurrent poverty, and growing regional disparities has eroded civil society in Pakistan. Gender-related crimes of various types, social and religious intolerance, disparities in educational systems, population explosion, food security, socioeconomic instability, health-care, law and order, unplanned rapid urbanisation, controlled media and crippled democracy, external war threats with neighbouring states, and many other issues are high priorities in Pakistan. A substantial proportion of the population remains deprived of even the minimum conditions of survival; however, ‘the powerful’ are engaged in glorifying their existence. A recent study shows that as much as 64 percent of the population does not have access to piped drinking water in the country. The percentage without ‘safe’ drinking water is probably larger since piped drinking water frequently carries bacteria. Almost 47 percent of the people are unable to consume 2100 calories a day per person. The housing situation is so bad that 81 percent of the housing units have an average of 1.7 rooms which are inhabited by an average of seven persons. The literacy rate is low and the standards of those few who make it to college or universities are plummeting at a dizzying pace. The overall consequence of these features is a growing pressure on a fragile democratic polity. A significant section of the population perceives that there is nothing in this growth process for them, which is a factor in the resurgence of sub-national groups. In spite of the fact that divisions and rotating inclinations inherent in all heterogeneous communities, they may be kept in check by governmental policies that were followed with pragmatism. There are significant and long-lasting national ramifications to the vulnerability of national cohesiveness. Persistent elite enslavement and manipulation of the populace, extreme poverty and high unemployment, sectarianism and rising radicalization, prejudice and scepticism, a crisis of identity and ideological split, the remnants of fifth generation warfare, corruption and institutional failures, discrimination and cronyism, escalating discontent and brain drain continue to eat away at the very foundation of our society. Consequently, a new conflict is emerging between centralized state structures and a polarized polity, which is associated with a heightened level of violence in society. Failure to devise a strategy that could come to grips with this development crisis has been an important factor in social polarization and the resultant difficulty in strengthening democratic institutions, particularly a culture of democracy. In recent years the polarization of society along religious, political, ethnic, communal and regional lines have been accompanied by an undermining of social values through which diverse communities had lived together in a pluralistic society. The social polarization is now fuelled by violence which has reached a scale that threatens not only the credibility of political institutions but raises the question of whether governance based on a centralized state structure is feasible at all. Political instability is scaring away foreign investment and hurting the economy. Back in the 60s, Pakistan was one of the fastest growing economies in the developing world and it was destined to rise up the economic ladder. In 1965, GDP per capita of Pakistan was $116. The countries which were lagging behind us in the 1960s have overtaken us a long ago. Today Pakistan’s GDP per capita is around $1,550 whereas GDP per capita of India, China and South Korea are around $2,601, $8,123 and $27,538 respectively. We have 40% food inflation which is 5th highest in the world, and have the 6th highest interest rate in the world. Politicians are commonly blamed for the politico-economic crisis and are viewed in isolation, sans regional comparisons, to argue that our politicians and democratic system carry exceptional faults, which must be fixed via exceptional means. Comparisons are done ineptly with developed states to condemn our system. Personal pursuits of power by implying corruption, nepotism and dishonesty have not helped to rebuild institutions but damaged it further. More unfortunately, the judgments and the accountability process we see today, in which favourites are being forgiven while those not falling in line have their due share of trials and blackmailing of different kinds. We had been at many political turning points before, only to see them turn into nothing. Yet anarchy, insecurity and a lack of consensus on all vital issues characterize the domestic scenario. The ideology of being one nation has long ago defaced with rising resource inequality and growing social divisions, polarisation in politics and poor governance, ethnolinguistic and religiopolitical tendencies, megalomaniacal leaders and their conflicting agendas, institutional friction and power clash, xenophobia and sensitization of racial identities, opposing ideologies and fundamentalism, scepticism between the centre and smaller provinces, and so on. The benefits of development have been unevenly spread, and mostly have accrued to the privileged classes. Egotism has been the primary concern of successive governments in Pakistan, and the trend has been maintained to this day. We live in an era marked by rapid economic, technological and social change around the world but not ready to cope with the changing global scenario. We are not even ready to bring sustainable change within. In spite of the fact that divisions and rotating inclinations inherent in all heterogeneous communities, they may be kept in check by governmental policies that were followed with pragmatism. Economic strategies that are inclusive and that grant every community, organisations, and regions the same rights and services which are necessary to further Pakistan’s integration. Strengthening federating units, taking a multifaceted approach to progress and culture, national political perspective, equitable distribution of resources, serious reform of land ownership, equal opportunity in education and accessibility, organisational coherence, division of powers, political wisdom, all-encompassing accountability, transparency, restricting the grip of the contentious power elite, encouraging authentic democratic principles, demonstrating multiculturalism and unity, and engaging in talks with dissident groups are just a few of the factors that need to be taken into serious consideration. But still, the most alarming thing of all is that we still are not seeing the wood for the trees. The writer is PhD in Political Science. He can be reached at zafarkhansafdar@yahoo.com and tweets at: @zafarkhansafdar.