Washington and New Delhi share common interests and preferences, however, their values do not align. The common ideals between India and the United States have lost their influence. The White House is constantly vexed by India’s efforts to advance illiberal goals overseas, driven by Hindu nationalism at home and conflicting with liberal ethics. India has, for instance, maintained ties with and sold weapons to the military junta that ousted Myanmar’s democratic government in 2021 and continues playing an active role in multilateral groups critical of the United States and the West, such as the BRICS, which also includes Brazil, Russia, China, and South Africa. Since the invasion of Ukraine, India’s allegiance to Moscow has been unwavering as it continuously refrains from participating in pivotal UN votes, and has refused to entertain any economic restrictions against Russia. At a time when democracies are closing ranks to condemn Russia’s invasion, it is troubling, to say the least, to see India, the world’s largest democracy, sitting on the sidelines. The string of consecutive wins in the years 2014 and 2019 has propelled the Bharatiya Janata Party to challenge the credibility of India’s inclination towards liberalism. The actions undertaken by Prime Minister Modi, including the politicisation of civilian bureaucracy and the conversion of its Parliament into a mere rubber stamp for his party, have fatally weakened any means to check or control his conduct. The BJP is deeply intertwined with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, an organization that aims to give India an exclusively Hindu identity (and to which Moodi belongs). Moodi does not allow any criticism in the media, academia, or civil society. By concentrating on economic integration within the region, Pakistan can effectively counter the strengthening of Indo-US relations. The process of democratic accountability requires leaders to provide justifications and explanations for their foreign policies, thereby creating transparency and predictability in their decision-making. In contrast, making predictions about authoritarian decisions is considerably more challenging. The United States faced numerous challenges due to the oppressive measures adopted by India, eroding the trustworthiness of New Delhi. India is home to roughly 200 million Muslims, and it has an extensive history of communal violence. The foreseeable threat of mounting and incapacitating ferocity looms over India as it turns a blind eye to the oppression faced by its marginalized populations, profoundly undermining any hope for enduring stability. An India consumed with internal security challenges will have fewer resources, less bandwidth for foreign policy, and less legitimacy to play a constructive role beyond its borders. The influence of Hindu nationalism on Indian policies abroad results in the promotion of illiberal political aims. Hindu nationalists take pride in their ability to mobilise overseas RSS-affiliated groups in the Indian diaspora, which they consider one of their key accomplishments in foreign policy, to lobby various capitals, including Washington, to support BJP initiatives. The current situation, with China posing a threat and Russia invading Ukraine, offers an unprecedented opening for Washington to persuade New Delhi to shift its reliance on Russian military equipment toward US systems. Efforts to diversify essential industrial inputs away from China and towards India could be accelerated by the United States. New economic investments would ultimately bring benefits to New Delhi. However, Washington needs to be mindful of how it handles New Delhi. The fact that India is ready to partner with the United States has more to do with circumstance than genuine belief and might fade away swiftly. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, founded by Beijing, includes New Delhi as a member. Indian policymakers and analysts hold a strong inclination towards a multipolar world where India can forge its alliances with other global powers instead of succumbing to US supremacy or getting caught in a new cold war between Beijing and Washington. In essence, India does not serve as an ally to America and it is vital for US officials to grasp this concept. However, American and Indian citizens are encouraged to maintain hope that India, with its diverse society, will undertake a transformation towards becoming a liberal democracy that closely aligns with Washington’s ideals. Rather than being led by a leader who tolerates little dissent, India is instead under the rule of an ethno-nationalist. The power of politics in India is slipping into the hands of an illiberal and progressively undemocratic party, which is tightening its hold. In the absence of any modifications, India will not be afforded the same treatment by the United States as it provides to Japan, South Korea, and NATO allies in Europe. Nonetheless, the alliance between India and the US primarily concentrates on collective interests, not exclusively on common values. The strengthening Indo-US strategic alliance presents Pakistan, as well as the entire region, with numerous obstacles to overcome. However, Pakistan has the ability to address all of these challenges through effective foreign and internal strategies. By concentrating on its economic integration within the region and beyond, Pakistan can effectively counter the strengthening of Indo-US relations through its increasing economic collaboration with China. Simultaneously, it should continue furthering potential cooperation with the United States. Concerning India, the option to resolve issues via negotiations, with possible economic integration, should always be an opportunity for Pakistan. “We have no lasting friends, no lasting enemies, only lasting interests.” Winston Churchill The writer is a retired Pakistan army officer