Since its creation at the behest of dictator Zia in the early 1980s, the MQM has been embroiled in violent clashes with many ethnic groups – Pathans, settled Punjabis, Sindhis – in Karachi and Hyderabad who otherwise were living in peace and harmony in the province. Its brief history is also layered with fratricidal blood spilt by fierce battles within its hierarchy that consumed the lives of many young men and prominent persons. Karachi known as the city of lights and the economic vehicle of the country experienced long and unprecedented shutdowns.
The MQM shared power in provincial governments of Sindh with Pakistan People’s Party in 1988-1990 and later with Muslim League administrations under Jam Sadiq Ali and Liaqat Jatoi from 1990-1992. All these four years were underlined by ethnic disturbances, violence and bloodshed involving necessitating intermittent interventions by the security forces. However, the city experienced the worst violence during General Pervaiz Musharraf’s era from 2002-2008 when MQM was the main partner in the cabinet of Sindh with its committed members saddled with the governorship of the province, and Ministries of their choice in the federal government. The tragic events of 12 May 2007 leading to the confinement of Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and his entourage at Karachi airport and the burning alive of the lawyers are well etched in the memory of the people of Sindh.
It continued to have this privileged position in the government of the PPP from 2008. Either in power or out of power, the MQM has never behaved as a responsible political party. It has always been looking for – and unjustifiable expecting – the bigger share of the apple pie over and above its electoral strength. It has resorted to blackmailing, provocation and violence to prop up its nuisance value or sustain its political relevance in the province.Its main demand causing ever widening gulf between the Urdu speaking segment and the majority Sindhi population of the province that has the potential of descending into a devastating civil war, has, ad nauseam, been the division of Sindh into two provinces.
This demand envisages the dissection of Karachi and Hyderabad Divisions from the main body of Sindh as a separate province for Mohajirs as a compensation for the imaginary sacrifices rendered by their forefathers for the establishment of Pakistan. The group starts harping on this mantra whenever it is in political wilderness or in a position to blackmail the federal government. The MQM leaders have not either read the history of the events leading to the creation of the country, or they engage in deliberate distortion of historical facts deluding the Urdu speaking population, to keep afloat as a political group. Whatever their motive, they are treading on a dangerous path.
The dissection of Karachi and Hyderabad from the rest of Sindh is politically, economically and demographically not feasible. The entire administration and economy of Sindh depends on these mega cities
Sindhis have set in unprecedented examples of courage and sacrifices in defending the geographical integrity and political autonomy of their province. They have never compromised on these two issues throughout the history of this land. They have heroically fought battles for the territorial unity and autonomous status of their land. They fought to the last man to save their land from annexation in the British Raj. Their struggle to regain their freedom from the ruthless British imperialists, or win back the autonomous status of their land from the Bombay Presidency, constitutes the most heroic chapter of the history of Sindh emblazoning it with eminent names of Pir Sibghatullah Shah Rashdi, Ruplo Kolhi, Hamun Kalyan, Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah, Allah Bukhsh Soomro, Haji Abdullah Haroon, Shah Nawaz Bhutto, G.M. Syed, Muhammad Ayub Khuhro, Abdul Majeed Sindhi -just name a few from the glittering constellation of leaders.
Sindh was the first province to pass a resolution in 1946 in favour of the demand of Pakistan; volunteer to house the federal government and its secretariat and consented to take the largest number of incoming refugees. The Chief Minister of Sindh, Muhammad Ayub Khuhro was willing to accommodate 100,000 refugees when the population of Karachi ranged not over 300,000. The three senior leaders of the federal government – Liaqat Ali Khan, Ghulam Muhammad and Chaudhry Muhammad Ali – in a clandestine huddle, decided to dismiss the Khuhro administration to bring in more refugees, declare Karachi as a federal city and impose quota of 15% of provincial and federal jobs for the new comers.
This was a coup de grace against the economic and social interests of Sindhis, and proved the main cause of obstruction in the harmonious assimilation of the new comers into the mainstream population. The MQM and its apologetics should refresh their memory with the reminiscences of the long and sustained struggle that Sindhi politicians, political workers, intellectuals, writers, poets, local councils and other non-political forums launched against these unjust decisions. The last straw on the camel’s back was the imposition of the infamous One-Unit. This pushed small provinces including Sindh to nationalist politics sowing the seeds of secession in the former East Pakistan.
The dissection of Karachi and Hyderabad from the rest of Sindh is politically, economically and demographically not feasible. The entire administration and economy of Sindh depends on these mega cities. Sindhis, Baloch and Pathans have demographically surpassed Mohajirs in Karachi. The country cannot afford to go through the mayhem of shifting of populations, occupation of properties and distribution of assets given the distrust existing among ethnic groups. In a situation we are beset with today, we need a united voice instead of fueling ethnic tensions. In this land, we all should try to find unity in diversity.
The ruling PPP should also take cognizance of the fact that the imposition of a particular political system concentrating all powers within the provincial cabinet inevitably creates divisive fissures and polarization in a diversified society like Sindh. It is, therefore, imperative that it should work out a paradigm of devolution of powers to Mayors and Chairmen for local development works being the representatives of the people. This will be consistent with its fierce support to devolution of governance under the 18th Amendment.
The author was a member of the Foreign Service of Pakistan and he has authored two books