Two years ago on this day, August 15, 2021, the Western-backed regime collapsed like a house of cards as its foreign backers hastily left Afghanistan after a more than two decades occupation. The Afghan Taliban de facto regime then rolled into Kabul. The hardline movement’s evaluation of its first year in power is unimpressive, with misogynic approach, many gray areas, few bright spots, and a preponderance of negatives. When the Taliban imposed medieval regulations during their rule from 1996 to 2001, there were real concerns that they would return to their primitive style. While the ‘new’ Taliban are quite like the ‘old’ Taliban in many aspects.
Despite all of these gloomy factors, the Taliban are an unpleasant reality that the international community cannot wish away. Kabul-Pak has always been a bad construct for policy formulation. However, keeping in view the considerable differences between the two countries’ situations and futures. It is simple to predict that Afghanistan will remain unstable and problematic for its Pakistan’s border. Internal conflict and a growing insurgency outbreak the Kabul regime. For the near future, Afghanistan is most likely to remain chaos oriented and fragmented. Islamabad initiatives alone will not be enough to overcome terrorism, though. There are a number of outside forces that contribute to violence that must be eliminated. Pakistan has defeated or driven out the TTP insurgents from the majority of its territory thanks to the deployment of 180,000 troops along its western borders. Small groups conceal themselves “in the open,” in remote valleys, or in camps for Afghan refugees. The main danger comes from Tehreek-I-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), militants infiltrating from their secure havens in Afghanistan. Although Pakistan has committed to support efforts to encourage peace among Kabul and the Kandahar Taliban. There has been little evidence that Kabul has taken similar steps to close TTP safe havens or stop cross-border infiltration. Even the coordination tools for border observation that had been developed with the US-NATO command was rejected by Kabul. It is well known that some individuals and organizations in Kabul, including the National Directorate of Intelligence, worked along with the TTP and funded Baloch insurgents to undermine Pakistan’s border security. The TTP and its offshoot organizations are increasing their influence into Baluchistan districts near to the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, southern Punjab, particularly northern Sindh – territories that form the country’s backbone. If the TTP is effective in establishing terrorist bases and developing connections with Baloch sub-nationalist parties in these territories, it could undermine Pakistan’s security forces, including CPEC. The TTP has set up itself in Baluchistan, styling itself upon the Afghan Taliban. Unlike the TTP, which emerged in 2007 with no interest in Baluchistan, the Afghan Taliban have been consistently operating since 1996.
The hardline movement’s evaluation of its first year in power is unimpressive.
Additionally, they oversaw derailing the Murree talks in July 2015 and holding Pakistan accountable for the escalating insurgent attacks from Kabul to Kunduz. They are now pleading with Pakistan to attack the Afghan Taliban until they consent to sit down for talks. The conflict in Afghanistan would then spread to Pakistan. Islamabad must once more press Kabul and its Western backers to act against the TTP. The strategic cooperate on and link between the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban are to blame for Pakistan currently experiencing a new wave of terrorism. The Afghan Taliban continue to be violating Pakistan ever since they took control. By giving safe shelter to insurgent organizations hostile to Pakistan, such the Tehreek-I-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), they have effectively stabbed Pakistan in the back. Taliban in Afghanistan have not kept the promises they promised during the Doha negotiations. Terrorists are once again using Afghanistan as a shelter, much as they did some twenty years ago, which drew the fury of Western forces in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. The Afghan Taliban have stuck to the status quo and scarcely made the transition to political maturity despite having experienced stormy decades of conflict. Pakistan has often voiced its fears over cross border assaults from Afghanistan, but the Afghan Taliban have done little to win Islamabad’s trust by preventing the TTP from conducting strikes on Afghan land. Additionally, Pakistan has always had a friendly attitude with Afghanistan. Despite flagrant breaches of its promises, Islamabad still wants a friendly relationship with Afghanistan and keeps pressuring the international community to recognize the Afghan temporary government and offer aid to its citizens. However, despite these favors from Pakistan, the Afghan Taliban have stepped up hostilities by contesting the legality of the Afghan Pakistani border and sheltering militant organizations that continue to be inflicting havoc on Pakistan by conducting a number of brutal attacks. Some observers have emphasized that the recent carnage in Bajaur, where at least forty-four people died and over one hundred others were injured in a suicide attack, was the work of TTP soldiers even after the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K) claimed credit. Tensions have increased, especially because of the TTP’s increasing attacks against Pakistani security forces and civilians, as well as the Afghan Taliban’s lack of commitment to preventing TTP and other anti-Pakistan groups from attacking the latter. The alarming statistics on the number of people killed, injured, and destroyed because of terrorist strikes. Pakistan is dealing with two Taliban crises. Even though Pakistan has made warm progress in the war against terrorism, some areas of the country are still susceptible to hostilities. Pakistan appears to have approached the Afghan Taliban incorrectly. Pakistan supported their occupation of Kabul in August 2021 because they thought a cordial government there would advance Pakistan’s security interests. However, following the coup, Pakistan’s situation deteriorated. The twin Taliban crises are pushing the nation toward a serious socioeconomic crisis, leaving it in a pickle between the evil one and the deep blue sea. Taliban collaboration between the Afghan and Pakistani sides can and ought to not have any negative effects on Pakistan. A positive shift in Pakistan’s attitude toward Afghanistan, the Afghan Taliban, and the TTP has been made because of the army chief’s recent forceful and unambiguous declaration in this regard. Pakistan desperately needed to alter its amiable tone toward Afghanistan because if that tone does not foster a sense of trust and respect, the nation will be forced to take a harsher stance. To address the Taliban situation, Pakistan must adopt a number of actions. The same way it did previously, Pakistan should conduct a military campaign against terrorist organizations all around the nation. If Pakistan wants to gain international recognition and support, it should put pressure on the Afghan Taliban to deport anti-Pakistan members. Pakistan currently needs to refocus its anti-terrorist operations and put the National Action Plan (NAP) into full effect. To stop the spread of terrorists and unlawful trade, we must fortify our porous border with Afghanistan. Last but not least, Pakistan should make full use of its diplomatic and strategic clout to enlist the help of major world powers who might be able to persuade or compel the Afghan Taliban to stop supporting the TTP. Taliban from both Pakistan and Afghanistan have put Pakistan in a security bind that would undermine regional peace. Therefore, foreign powers will need to cooperate alongside the Taliban for a while to come to maintain Afghan stability as well as regional security. The Western powers’ imposition of demands on the government is also unfair. It would be unrealistic to anticipate that the hard-liner tribal group will transform Afghanistan into a liberal democracy in the form of the West. In fact, stretching the Taliban to the limit would encourage them to adopt even more extreme dress. Thus, pragmatism is the only viable course of action.
The writer is a freelance columnist.