When the incumbent General Raheel Sharif steps down in 18 months time, a new Chief of Army Staff (COAS) will be needed. Who will be chosen? Should it be, for the second time, the return of the general? A generation of Pakistanis has become accustomed to a strong and victorious army chief. But for a slightly older generation, the concept of an uncontested COAS still seems fresh and new. That is because, thanks to General Sharif’s overwhelming edge, he has earned laurels for turning the tide of terrorism back when it was threatening to engulf the whole country from Karachi to Khyber. Pakistan is better governed today than it was a generation ago. That is a trend worth continuing. The most immediate problem is that of corruption. Its sheer scale will make eradication hard; opposition is entrenched and many powerful individuals will have a stake in maintaining the status quo. That battle will be compounded by the country’s economic difficulties. Nevertheless, the general is well-positioned to get Pakistan back on track. He has a reputation as an ascetic who is incorruptible. His term in office gives hope to reformers. Much is riding on his success. The Afghan Taliban are marching towards the Afghan city of Kunduz and IS militants are accumulating evidence of its existence in Afghanistan. Pakistan will remind them that the war on terror is not just an abstract ideal but a living, vibrant reality. Calls for extension for the COAS are a common theme in the public and press. Former army chief General Ashfaq Kayani was given an extension but the circumstances in both cases could not be more different. Pakistan is a deeply divided country with citizens identifying themselves among ethnic, religious and geographic groups. General Sharif has been able to reach out to and win over political and non-political people in his campaign. He must now unite a fractious country and restore the people’s faith in their political system. It is understandable that the PML-N is not interested in making one of its own, and it is predictable that they would only want to make definitive statements about extension only if formal requests are brought before Prime Minister (PM) Nawaz Sharif. But, if the PML-N wants to maintain any shred of credibility in regards to stability, it needs to make a statement that is clear. A statement such as this will be unambiguous enough to ensure proper protection to all circles while sending a clear promise to the public on how the PML-N will take the proper steps if and when the time comes on this or any other matter of national interest. Specific statements may be premature but some sort of reaffirmation that PM Nawaz Sharif at least pretends to care about the extension issue when the rubber meets the road goes a long way. General Sharif has played an important public role, reminding the terrorists of non-compromising principles, suggesting ways to apply them to new problems and mobilising the world’s public opinion to confront major challenges. The broad story of Pakistani politics over the years has been one in which the country’s establishment, bureaucracy, judiciary, Supreme Court (SC), army and upper class have used the political system, including its default mechanism of military coup, to play out their own quarrels and rivalries. This changed when General Raheel Sharif, who has become a highly successful COAS, arrived on the scene. He faced the sea of corruption, militant politics and terrorism, and challenged it by winning support among the masses, particularly in the north of the country, as well as among residents of Karachi and from other provinces. Had it been generally accepted that no COAS should serve more than one term it would have been an honourable expression of responsibility. One might have thought there would be a vigorous debate in the country about how this should be handled. The COAS’s extensions in the past have usually been accepted with a shrug and a smile but General Sharif’s supporters have signalled repeatedly that they would like him to continue. There could be interesting but challenging days ahead. Pakistan’s record of democratic failure might suggest such a course could be justified in terms of sound governance. The view that this will serve the country best is certainly that of many, which is definitely different from what General Sharif might choose and which is another detail only he will clarify. The general has tapped into the needs, aspirations and frustrations of major issues, and did it in a way that has enabled him to win hearts. The general is a populist. Subterfuge, terrorism and, finally, military intervention have all failed to alter the situation. The General Sharif phenomenon will not go away and may not even if he himself were to pass from the scene. The writer is a professor of Psychiatry and consultant Forensic Psychiatrist in the UK. He can be contacted at fawad_shifa@yahoo.com