The geo-political, geo-strategic and economic significance of the Asia-Pacific region makes it the apple of everybody’s eye, which can be seen by the many powers struggling for dominance in this region. Extraordinary trade and business opportunities have engaged many competitors like the US, Russia, China and Japan. India also continuously attempts to become comparable with the great powers in the region so as to shine under the global political spotlight.
For political and economic reasons, the US considers and collaborates with Japan as a major stakeholder in the region. The US’ strategic plans of rebalancing the Asia Pacific, stated in the Department of Defence release of 2012 with the title of ‘Sustaining US global leadership: priorities for 21st century defence’ involve some of the ambitions concerning a pivot strategy towards the Asia Pacific region covering key policy objectives for the century.
Russia and Japan are already engaged in a dispute over the control of the northern territories of the Kuril Islands that consist of approximately 56 islands and minor rocks. The Russian military build-up and the re-arming of the islands causes plenty of unease for Japan and, according to the new Russian Naval Doctrine, it considers China as its core ally to counterbalance Japan and the US in the Asia pivot strategy. Russia thinks of the US as a major factor in destabilisation of the Asia-Pacific whereas the US plans of allocating 60 percent of its troops under the Pacific Command would further demand Japan’s contribution to counter China in the region. Japan, for the first time in the post-war era, has taken a shift in its security policy and, through its new security doctrine, its forces can be deployed overseas, even without any direct threat to the country or its citizens. Such moves to collaborate with the US in its Asia pivot strategy will of course drag Japan into direct conflict with many other competing powers in the region.
The US under President Obama’s administration has particularly focused on the Pacific region and, in the post 2010-2011 era, a remarkable decline of US military involvement can be seen in Iraq and Afghanistan. The focus has shifted to the Asia-Pacific and the US has explicitly responded to Chinese ascendancy in the region. After the nuclear tests carried out by North Korea, the US started outright supporting South Korea and, despite the strong objections by China, it carried out naval exercises with South Korea and signalled warnings to Pyongyang, the capital city of North Korea.
The situation became further complicated after India’s role in countering China. The US considers India a key partner and the long-term security investments of the US in India are some of the concerns related to the enduring goals of enabling it as a regional economic anchor and strategic partner in the Indian Ocean region. This defence cooperation with India has been on the main agenda of US policy mainly because of two reasons: first, the expanding Indian defence market and increasing business opportunities, and, secondly, the US considers India a genuine Asian competitor that can challenge China’s rise. With its naval power and the defence pacts with five Asia-Pacific powers, the US incorporates itself into an alliance with China’s immediate neighbourhood.
To counter the growing military posture and the militarisation of the South China Sea, China has tried to explore a variety of ways to respond to these threats particularly its strategic partnership with Pakistan. Pakistan is a nuclear power and India’s rival state, which enjoys a considerable place in the South Asian region. Moreover, Pakistan’s access through its Gawadar port to China enables and strengthens China’s strategic position, and is viewed as a major security and economic challenge by many countries in the geo-strategic scenario.
The writer works for the Strategic Vision Institute, Islamabad and can be reached at [email protected]