The founder of Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Zulfikar Ali Bhutto sowed the dream of a ‘ Saraiki’ province in South Punjab. The crop is ready to reap, but PPP is just looking the other way. Can Yusuf Raza Gilani do it alone with the help of ethnic-nationalists, a bunch of poets and revolutionary writers is anybody’s guess? PPP did come forward to fulfil its promise during its previous government. It moved a resolution in National Assembly in 2012 for the bifurcation of Punjab. The PML-N, which was in power in Punjab at that time, surprisingly went a step ahead and responded with a provincial assembly resolution with the demand to make constitutional arrangements for the creation of not only South Punjab province, but also to restore the provincial status of the former princely state, Bahawalpur. The PPP ensured the passage of the bill after in Senate despite PML-N’s opposition for Bahawalpur-South Punjab province. But, it did not bother to float the bill in National Assembly because of lack of a two-third majority. In 2010, Asif Ali Zardari had to a reprimand Qayyum Jatoi, the federal minister hailing from South Punjab, who had said that his party would fulfil the promise of the ‘Saraiki province’. The minister was just airing the longing of the people for a fair share of power and financial resources promised through 18th Constitutional Amendment of 2010. The very renaming of NWFP as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa had sparked hope in Saraiki nationalists for the province. But, the PPP’s coalition with PML-N in Punjab had left South Punjab’s MPs complaining about neglect in terms of development funds. Whatever the region had received as PM’s development quota was wholly spent in Multan. The PPP could no longer deflect the pressure from South Punjab and the then Premier, Yusuf Raza Gilani, announced in March 2011 while addressing a rally in Jalalpur Pirwala on the upper banks of Sutlej River that the PPP would include Saraiki province in its Election 2013 manifesto. The fiercest response came from the other side as Bahawalpur sought an explanation from PPP as to what would the boundaries of the proposed province be, and that they would go to any length to revive the provincial status of the former princely state. The controversy led to the creation of Bahawalpur National Awami Party (BNAP), led by Nawab Salahuddin. While the PPP went its own course, the PML-N sided with Bahawalpur. PPP’s commitment with Saraiki province is only kept alive by Yusuf Raza Gilani, who is selling the narrative that he lost premiership due to his stance on this very issue. The rest of the central leadership of the party makes only a passing remark on Saraiki province. As was the case in previous elections, the party is likely to leave Gilani on his own in upcoming polls, thus strengthening an impression that it sees South Punjab no more than a means to scale up ladders in the Centre. As for its slogan to divide Punjab, it was introduced in the 1970s so as to fizzle out pressure on the restoration of Bahawalpur province after the dissolution of One Unit. The PPP had not supported the demand for Bahawalpur province and was not favoured by the region in 1970 elections either. Its sweeping the Bahawalpur division in 2008, for the first time, was only due to the reason that the slain Benazir had promised Nawab Salahuddin that if voted into power, she would restore Bahawalpur province with the help of PML-N. After her demise, the promise was forgotten. Despite all its cordial ties with PML-N, the PPP could not fulfil its promise of a Saraiki province. It is clear that the PPP is no more interested in the division of Punjab. Had it been otherwise, it could have removed the Zia-era legislation which conditions the creation of new provinces with the approval of the Assembly of the concerned province — something which Senator Muhammad Ali Durrani, a staunch supporter of Bahawalpur province, had agitated for. In the post-devolution scenario, the PPP is most concerned with consolidating provincial autonomy rather than cutting Punjab to size. Moreover, the division of Punjab on ethnolinguistic grounds will necessitate bifurcation of smaller provinces, including Sindh, which does not suit the interest of the party at all. Neither PPP nor its ethnic allies see favourably the division of Punjab, especially after the 18th amendment, which has provided the provinces with unprecedented autonomy. The controversial job quota has been extended, and local government system has been left to the whims of ruling parties. But the fact that the PPP has been restricted to Sindh is unfortunate. It is worrisome that it sees an advantage in basking in the ethnic sunshine. Whether it is about holding sway over the lower province or stalling the process of devolution, it is ethnolinguistic chauvinism that guides its course in politics. For South Punjab, it has made itself useless and irrelevant. PPP’s ethnic orientation touching boundaries of racialism is dangerous for the otherwise diverse Saraiki belt. It is not less dangerous to invoke linguistic sentiments than playing up religious sensitivities to grab votes. Given the orientation of PPP leadership right now, a major shake-up at the moment is unexpected. Zardari’s wisdom would suggest him to keep party’s grip over Sindh intact, even by ceding some space to JUI-F and leave Punjab to its chartered partner — PML-N. The situation does have an advantage. If Punjab stays big and continues to neglect the demands of its southern part, PPP can bank on the frustrations of small units for its sway over the Upper House. So, there is nothing for PPP in taking up the demand for the division of Punjab. The PPP’s abandoning of South Punjab has rendered the region in disarray. The lower cadres have turned to ethnonational parties for the sake of survival. Growing population but skewed job opportunities have made youth to assume the path of radicalization, a phenomenon that has stirred academic imaginations of Dr Aeysha Siddiqua. A province carved out of Punjab promises jobs, a fair share of canal water and improved standards of life. With mainstream political parties not attending to their needs, the semi-literate radicalised youth who were earlier attracted to jihadi groups may join the ranks of ethnic-nationalist parties. With PML-N unwilling to restore its job quota, and PPP abandoning it altogether, South Punjab is reeling in ethnolinguistic tensions. Youth understands little of Khawaja Farid’s “Path of Ishq” to achieve their goal, but too much of the ‘prisoner of Takht-e-Lahore’, Ashiq Buzdar, who thinks rebellion is the only way out. The writer is Director at the Center for Policy and Media Studies