The benefits we were promised when the Pervez Musharraf regime embarked on its reforms programme have yet to trickle down to the masses. The people, it seems, have yet to learn about the true spirit of democracy. Some sections of the society are painfully loud in cursing the parliamentary form of government and spoiling for a presidential system. Let’s thank our stars for the fact that so far there is no move to abandon our democratic credentials altogether. Pakistan may not necessarily be passing through one of the most difficult periods in its history but it is certainly witnessing some very odd phenomena. It’s odd, for example that while we are not formally under a dictatorial rule, there is very little public participation in the decision-making process. Elite capture of the state has become undeniable and yet no significant force has emerged to resist it. Political parties, which should have made laws to reform the tax regime, transfer power to the grassroots level and brought fairness and efficiency to the working of state institutions, have become dynastic concerns. Decision-making is informed less by the interest of the electorate and more by the various vested interests that sustain these parties. During the last decade, while the country had elected governments, the focus of all legislation seemed to be a concentration of power in provincial capitals. The economic policies of successive governments made the rich richer. Those who had diligently worked for devolution of power from the Centre to the provinces did not show the same diligence to ensure that the benefits of these measures reach the grassroots level. A reverse gear was applied to structural reforms during the era of blatant elite rule. The masses were denied the benefits of hard-earned macroeconomic stability during the opening decade of the 21st century. The process of privatization was effectively halted so that billions of rupees were wasted every year on the salaries of dysfunctional state enterprises. The ruling elite borrowed from the International Monetary Fund to bridge the current account deficits but paid no heed to expanding the tax net. They willfully avoided the documentation of the informal economy. The burden of taxes remained on the low- and middle-income groups. Pakistan is sharply divided between the filthy rich and the paupers. We are left with no sense of equity and justice Health and education were left to the mercy of private sector and as little as 5 per cent was spent on these subjects. The regulatory regimes meant to check profiteering and malpractices of the private sector were left weak and fragile. The bureaucracy became subservient, immoral and inefficient. After a decade of semi-democratic rule, the country is being ravaged by truly bad governance. Municipal filth and industrial waste are polluting water bodies. The countryside is mired deep in a vicious cycle of poverty. Burden of preventable disease has increased manifold. The fraction of stunted children has crossed the 50 per cent mark. Pakistan is sharply divided between the filthy rich and the paupers. We have been left with no sense of equity and justice. Those controlling 90 per cent of national wealth contribute no more than 2 per cent of their income to the national exchequer. They control the politics just as they corner the markets. They take the courts and media houses in the direction they wish. The rule of the elite preserves the interests and privileges of the few. It may initiate and complete projects only to benefit the businesses of its choice. It cannot hire judges to make the dispensation of justice easy. It cannot hire school teachers to impart education. It cannot hire doctors and nurses to run decent hospitals. It spends on physical infrastructure, but does not invest in social capital. A state cannot be run without a national spirit. The spirit has been all but smothered. The country stands divided along on ethnic and sectarian lines. This serves the objectives of the elite. It preserves their privileges and blocks reforms. The burden of sustainable development and securing peace now rests with the provinces. The Centre cannot do much beyond watching helplessly. The 18th Constitutional Amendment cannot be undone with a single stroke of the pen. There is no constitutional way left for reform. In a monopoly-ridden socio-economic system where there is no rule of law, democracy may not be a fair form of government. Not until there is a mechanism to make its benefits reach the grassroots level. Implementation of Article 140-Ais a mandatory obligation for the provincial governments to form financially and administratively autonomous local governments. Political parties should not be able to flout it with impunity. Today the provincial governments spend little on the provision of basic necessities of life. Can they not raise funds on their own to fund healthcare and education. Strict implementation of environmental laws can ensure provision of clean water and lessen the burden of preventable diseases for the low- and middle-income groups. Law and order is another preserve of the provincial government. The penal code needs reform. What to do if a provincial government fails on all these counts? There is much talk of a presidential form of government. Does that amount to more than changing police uniforms and increasing salaries? The writer is a freelancer