A ‘minority’ group has always been a faceless faction of the society which does not get equal treatment or active share in the dynamics of its country’s politics. It won’t be wrong to term it a mere quantifiable numerical existence, which is almost always dominated by those greater in number ie the state. No matter what the contemporary human history claims regarding the evolution of the ‘minority-concept’, the dividing chasm of ideological ‘isms’ is still dark, deep and scary. The genesis of Pakistan was based on a religious ideology which has to be put to a litmus test time and again. No matter where we meander in this discussion, the argument always skims down to the fact, that perhaps it is the only state in the recent history which was created ‘in the name of Islam’. Ironically, this is the very notion that makes the self-righteous right-winged extremist euphoric; to roister their religiosity, cleansing souls, strengthening larynx and vitalizing their Imaan against the ‘diabolic. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah , the man who made it all happen, however, seems to belong to a different school. His oft-quoted lines seem to establish a fine balance between the ‘state’ and ‘religion’ and also among the so called ‘minorities’ and the ‘pious’ majority. “You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place or worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed”. In another address at Chittagong on March 26th 1948 he said: ‘…Pakistan should be based on sure foundations of ‘social justice’ and ‘Islamic Socialism’ which emphasises equality and brotherhood of man.” He further states: “Now you have to stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic democracy, Islamic social justice and equality of man in your own native soil.” He used the term “Islamic socialism” here: ‘Islam’ being a complete code of life is not in want of any other epithets according to Muslim belief. Yet Jinnah who led the Muslims of subcontinent to a revolutionary renaissance appeared to use it for a reason. He spoke with a foresight reaching out to the future generations, even if taken horizontally, his words oscillate somewhere between a receding past and an impending future. Hence the use of the term which was essentially Marxian and Bolshevists. Dr Sir Allama Muhammad Iqbal, the second most important character in the creation of Pakistan, however downright rejected the Bolshevik socialism, chiefly disagreeing with the atheist clause of the same. To quote Dr Javed Iqbal on this subject “…according to Iqbal the Russian experiment with socialism was based on ‘La’ (negation of God) and if ‘illa’ (affirmation of God) could be added to it, the experiment could have been acceptable to him.” In one of his letters to Khwaja Ghulamus Saiyyedain (17th Oct. 1936) he writes “…As for socialism, Islam itself is a kind of socialism, from which Muslim society has so far not derived the benefits that it has in”. Allama Iqbal was a seer, who would lead you on to find your own version of truth. He was deemed a ‘rebel’ or even a ‘heretic’ by the same self-righteous, who seem to have gotten better at doing this in time Dr. Iqbal (RA) was everything a typical self-righteous-overbearing extremist is not. Hence his famous slogan: “Mullah kee azza’an aur, meri azza’an aur” says it all. His religiosity was deeply rooted to the extent of ‘Wijdaan’ (intuition), something that is only acceptable in the Sufi realm and is violently opposed by the extremists. However Iqbal’s knowledge of religion was equally grounded. He was a trained philosopher, a theologian, and an authority in religious knowledge. He was a seer, who would lead you on to find your own version of truth. He was deemed a ‘rebel’ or even a ‘heretic’ by the same self-righteous, who seem to have gotten better at doing this in time. Here’s how Dr. Iqbal (RA) leads you on: to sift and weigh the ‘system’ you believe in. He goads you to find out “What are the historical forces, the operation of which evoked as a necessary consequence the phenomenon of a particular system?” In the next stage he urges the ‘believer’ is to question “Why a particular religious system should be produced by particular people?” Also “What is the real significance of a religious system in the history of the people who produced it, and in the history of mankind as a whole?” And, “Are there any geographical causes which determine the original locality of the religion?” Iqbal forages for the certitude in faith hence he poses his next question: “How far does it reveal the inmost soul of a people, their social, moral, and political aspirations?” A system of belief according to Iqbal (RA) has to seep into the deepest chambers of the soul. He uses different metaphors for this divine-connectivity in his poetical works. His most favourite however is ‘Ishq’ (a superlative degree of love/divine love). Interestingly, it is one those very few words that have no befitting translation in any other language save their etymological origin. Iqbal used the word ‘ishq’ freely and superfluously and claims that it is the only means to spiritual edification. Which leads us to the next question: “What transformation, if any, has it worked in them?” And then once again in his last question, he shifts his focus from the inner spiritual realm to the engagement of the ‘believer’ with the society and history of humankind: “How far has it contributed towards the realisation of the ultimate purpose revealed in the history of Man?” (Islam as an Ethical and a Political Ideal By: Allama Muhammad Iqbal’s) Iqbal’s seven points open portals to new dimensions, dimensions of questioning one’s ‘faith’ before pouncing onto others, of peace and acceptance and of eclectic diversity of God’s creation. As he concluded in the same lecture: “The truth is that Islam is essentially a religion of peace. All forms of political and social disturbances are condemned by the Quran in the most uncompromising terms”. The writer is freelance columnist Published in Daily Times, November 8th 2018.