There was a time when fear would lurk in the streets of Karachi with all vengeance and power. People would wear scary expressions. Businesses were hostages to terror. And you knew why it was so, but your tongue could not grip the grit to speak, not to mention the monster diffusing fear all around. Financial activities used to come to a halt even with the pronouncement of a few sentences. The concerned had to comply with the orders for fear of consequences. Common-folk used to gather in huge multitudes on one hint as they also knew the outcome of not pursuing the directions. The strange aspect is that that the origin of this fear was not Karachi, but the distant land of Edgware where a person, least known by the inhabitants of north London, resides with all luxuries of life and protection. Yes, the protection imparted by the Londoners. Everything in Karachi was under his influence. He used to roar on one side of the telephone thousands of miles away, and on the other side, you would find people squatted in large numbers completely awed and respectful. The uninterrupted voice was sometimes punctuated with deferential gestures of submissions by the listless listeners. Such immense, wide and deep was his influence over the life in Karachi. Under his reign, shooting-sprees, extortions and confiscations were rampant and done with impunity. These are what generated fear in the soft bosoms of the denizens of this city of lights. Media, often thought to be a potent voice in the social fabric, could not enunciate the hand behind these activities of terror. A vocal journalist spoke of the cruelties perpetrated in Karachi in a relatively open way and was shown the door in the break of the talk show. To clear his stance, he had to appear in another programme of another TV channel, whose offices were not in Karachi. In another example, a senior journalist Khushnood Ali Khan died in a crafted accident since he had built a new house and was demanded to give one million rupees or face the dire results. Now the environment has considerably changed. Peace is creeping into the life of Karachi. The business of extortions is dying out by degrees. Sectarian killings have slowed down. The genie of fear is on a ventilator; and the doctors, who could animate this genie, are without resources. The dichotomy is, as the once-powerful MQM loses its lustre, peace starts returning to Karachi; but when it puts on muscles, peace begins vanishing from the stage. This phenomenon speaks volumes on the chaos reigning supreme in the days when MQM was in power. In the aftermath of 22 August 2016, MQM-Pakistan was formed as it had to live in Pakistan and for that matter, it was paramount to get divorced from the anti-state speeches of the founder. MQM-P tried every bit to dissociate itself from London, but unluckily suspicion remained there in the minds of many. MQM-P moved a resolution against the founder and also demanded his trial under sedition. They were also coerced to wean off the name of the MQM or merge in PSP, but such moves could not mature. MQM-P was then disallowed to carry out its Khidmat-e-Khalq activities for the collection of donations. This pecuniary axe fell heavy on the political executions of the MQM-P. On the political front, both ruling parties, the PML-N in the centre and the PPP in Sindh, distanced themselves from the MQM-P and didn’t invite it to join coalition either in the centre or provincial set-up. Moreover, the introduction of Local Government Act by Sindh government clipped the wings of Karachi mayor — an MQM-P stalwart and rendered the system powerless. So, these political manoeuvres made MQM-P unescorted in the crowded political arena of Pakistan. When the MQM was formed some three decades ago, it had the internal political structure having chairmen, vice chairmen and general secretaries. This system within MQM lasted from 1984 to 1992. After that, the political facade was thoroughly changed, making a new organised structure of dividing the areas into sectors and units. Thus the MQM gave birth to one of the most effective controlling systems to rule the city of Karachi. But on the heels of August 22, the unit and sector offices were not allowed to operate openly thereby weakening the controlling system precipitating swift disintegration of MQM-P influence in urban areas of Sindh. When the MQM was formed some three decades ago, it had an internal political structure that had chairmen, vice chairmen and general secretaries. This system lasted from 1984 to 1992. After that, the political facade was thoroughly changed, making a new organised structure which divided areas into sectors and units Another critical factor of the crumbling state is the absence of dynastic politics in the MQM. This should stand out as a virtue, but given the political ground realities in South Asia, dynastic politics plays a vital role in the strength of the political parties barring few exceptions. For instance, non-Gandhi as a political head will never contribute union and strength required to hold the party together. Same applies here in Pakistan. Bilawal knew the dangers of getting attached to the surname of ‘Zardari’. So he had to set an odd and unpractised example of adopting the surname of his maternal grandpa — ‘Bhutto’. These surnames are quite acceptable in political parties of this region. As we move towards MQM, it didn’t have anybody from the lineage of the founder who could come forward and hold the reins of the party. Without the founder, it was quite natural for the workers or members of the coordination committee to get entangled in the struggle for power. And that’s what’s unfurling now in Karachi. So in the absence of a genuine dynastic heir, the MQM keeps crumbling down. During this political chaos, many players are attempting to secure space ahead of general elections, 2018. Jamat-e-Islami and the PPP have geared up their campaigns to hunt a maximum number of fish out of these troubled waters. But you cannot ignore the bulk of mohajir vote in urban areas. The split of MQM into PSP, PIB and Bhadurabad is likely to reinforce the theory that only the founder has the strength to amass the mohajir community under one umbrella. This will lead to the re-emergence of MQM-London on the scene and sway the city once again. Such scenario might again make us stand the way where we had started the struggle to restore the lights to this city. The writer is Lecturer English, Punjab College, Lahore Published in Daily Times, February 28th 2018.