The murder of Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer has unleashed a torrent of international commentary on the larger consequences of his death regarding the radicalisation and secularisation of Pakistan. Prestigious news media from The Economist to The Washington Post have portrayed Pakistan as being at a precipice and point of no return in which the very soul of the nation is at stake. The broader fear is whether Pakistan might or could become a second Iran with an Islamist-led revolution bringing Muslim fundamentalists into power. And reinforcing that fear are Pakistan’s nuclear weapons. Pakistan has dramatically increased its number of nuclear weapons to the point where American Bruce Riedel, who advises the White House and US president, said last week in Washington that the country was on its way to becoming the fourth largest nuclear weapons power in the world. Many in Washington and the west, anxious to provide aid and support to Pakistan, are alienated by these reports wondering why, with Pakistan suffering from grave economic and flood-related hardships, precious rupees are being wasted on these weapons. Finally, the whole issue of the blasphemy laws is very difficult for westerners to understand and assimilate. With the internet and media passing these stories and sounding alarms, it is imperative to take stock of Pakistan and where it may be headed politically, economically, ideologically and culturally. This is particularly true since most westerners, including those in government, are unaware, unfamiliar or just ignorant of Pakistani society and life. The first indicator of this gap in understanding was the prediction, from the outset, of the then newly elected PPP government falling. What has perhaps changed the thinking of President Barack Obama towards Pakistan is that the democratically elected PPP government has remained in office for so long. While the current political shenanigans over increasing revenues to meet IMF requirements for further loans and the withdrawal of the MQM from the coalition quickened heartbeats in Washington, the real issue will be how the government comes to grips with strengthening the economy, dealing with the consequences of the floods (that are still very painful) and providing a compelling vision for Pakistanis of a democratic nation that can raise the living standards and future for all of its people. With additional support from the US, the PPP can endure provided it takes some of the steps noted above and, more importantly, so will Pakistan’s still fragile democracy be sustained. That said, the religious and ideological debate over the role of Islam, and indeed Pakistan’s blasphemy laws with constitutional standing, will remain front and centre in the minds of those in the West who comment on and have responsibility in the government for dealing with Pakistan. There is a volatile combination of the enhancement of the nuclear weapons programme, so-called extra-judicial murders and arrests without due process and, of course, the seeming radicalisation of Pakistan and the threat that poses to democracy and to its people. Unfortunately, there is little to be done about the first. Fortunately, the Pakistan government has excellent control and security regarding nuclear weapons. That its security is good has been accepted by Washington. But more evidence and reassurance is needed. Regarding extra-judicial activities, with a judicial branch that is often tolerant of criminals acting in accordance with Islamic law — and Governor Taseer’s confessed assassin, Mumtaz Qadri, can fall into this category — how to deal with known terrorists and other state enemies is not a simple matter. That flies in the face of western values regarding human rights, even though the US does have drone and rendition programmes that could equally be questioned by the international community. But radicalisation looms largest now. That Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani and former President Pervez Musharraf have both independently stated that there should or will be no change to Pakistan’s constitution and blasphemy laws underscores the potential explosive power of this issue. And the fact that some 70 or 80 million Pakistanis who are 18 and under with few good future prospects could form part of this incendiary mix reinforces the magnitude of the potential consequences. The good news is that Pakistan seems to muddle through. This furore is likely to die down as a function of Pakistan and its culture. However, there is one way that a silver lining might be found. Pakistani clerics have not been as fully throated in condemning the activities of terrorists in general and Pakistani extremists, and the Taliban in particular. It is up to the clerics to unmask and condemn how these villains are exploiting and defaming the Holy Quran in using it to justify terror and murder. If the sectarian can be mobilised to help the secular, then there is more than just hope to muddling through and saving democracy. That is one area where all political parties should agree. The writer is Chairman of the Killowen Group that advises leaders of government and business, and Senior Advisor at Washington DC’s Atlantic Council