US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton finally made her visit that had been in doubt since the Abbottabad raid with US Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen in tow. Obviously, since the object of the visit was to mend ties, it would have been counter-productive for either the secretary or the military chief to express any differences clearly and strongly. The tensions between the two sides could not be hidden however, as evidenced by the lack of a joint statement and the press conference held by the two high profile visitors at the US Embassy. Ms Clinton did her best to balance continuing American demands from Pakistan to act more decisively against al Qaeda and the safe havens of the Afghan Taliban on our soil with appreciation for Pakistan’s sacrifices, concerns and interests. The balm, though applied, could not hide the gaping open wounds. Ms Clinton gave the Pakistani higher authorities a clean chit as far as knowledge of Osama bin Laden’s presence for a number of years in Abbottabad was concerned, stressing the Pakistani assessment that Osama must have had a support network facilitating him, which is being probed by Pakistan. But there was no hint of an apology for the unilateral raid itself. That implies that although sounds are emanating from both sides that all future actions against high profile targets would be conducted jointly, the sub-text remains that if Pakistan is found wanting in this regard, the US reserves the right to act itself. Ms Clinton did stress both sides’ tremendous commitment to the fight against terrorism, in which endeavour much has been achieved but much more needs to be done despite the elimination of Osama, but this generalised homily did nothing to clear the fog of mistrust that bedevils both countries’ relations at present. She referred to the growing anti-Americanism and conspiracy theories in Pakistan by stressing that none of this could solve Pakistan’s problems. While Washington would continue to support the civilian government and democracy, the US could not and indeed should not try to resolve Pakistan’s problems. On the other hand, Information Minister Dr Firdaus Ashiq Awan briefed the media on the cabinet’s deliberations by stating unequivocally that Pakistan’s sovereignty is the top priority of the government and the Americans have been told in no uncertain terms that unilateral actions by the US and the continuing drone attacks were likely to fall foul of parliament’s resolution to review the terms of engagement if such policies continue to be pursued. Tough talking notwithstanding, it is not clear how much of this is public posturing and how much actual intent. After all, national wounded pride aside, Pakistan still looks to the US for help and succour, and the reverse is also true. A troubled marriage may have been saved from a precipitous divorce, but much more ‘marriage counselling’ may be required to salvage at least the minimum cooperation on the endgame in Afghanistan as well as the campaign against terrorists of all hues and varieties. The US and Pakistan resemble nothing more than Siamese twins joined at the hip, unable to get along sweetly, but forced by circumstance to make the best of it. Proof that not all is lost on the matrimonial front is provided by the access granted US personnel to Osama’s Abbottabad compound and the promise of access to bin Laden’s widows. Islamabad’s discomfiture, however, will not be helped by US Secretary for Homeland Security Janet Napolitano’s simultaneous visit to India or Indian Home Minister P Chidambaram’s skewering Pakistan as a terrorist safe haven and global epicentre where the state had become “fragile”. While Washington makes moves to salvage the bruised relationship with Islamabad, simultaneously it is signalling a deeper cooperation with New Delhi on terrorism-related tasks. Unless Washington cannot see the wood for the trees, it should be aware that this dual gambit is bound to raise more hackles on this side of the border.*