The Pakistani state’s violations of constitutional, fundamental and human rights of the people and their sovereignty and security also need to be addressed. Balochistan, which received provincial status in 1970, has been subjected to state violence since its accession (legal or coerced is still debated) to Pakistan in 1948. It has faced military operations in 1948, 1958, 1962-68, 1973-77 and the ongoing one since 2004, only because the Baloch have been demanding provincial autonomy with control over their natural resources. The latest is the most brutal with the Frontier Corps (FC) having been given carte blanche powers to abduct, torture and hold political prisoners incognito, without recourse to the courts, ending up in extrajudicial murders and dumping of mutilated, tortured, shot in the head at point blank range bodies of reported missing persons in desolate places, allegedly through mercenary gangs. The Baloch claim some 1,300 missing persons. The situation in Balochistan is reminiscent of 1971 East Pakistan. Forty years ago after the emergence of Bangladesh, Pakistanis were stunned and remained in denial — even today. Partly it was the lack of information about what was happening on the war front. Also because the Hamood-ur-Rehman Commission Report about the East Pakistan debacle never really saw the light of day and its recommendations were never implemented. No responsibility was fixed and the people of Pakistan were taken for a ride. In the three wars with India and Kargil we remained uninformed and were even made to believe we won in 1965. If you do not agree, be ready to be labelled ‘anti-state’, or a ‘danger to the state’ by the military establishment. The nation now has woken up to realise how vulnerable we are from a ‘people’s sovereignty and security’ point of view. It is asking questions and demanding answers. An apology is not the solution. We will have to put our act together — break the enemy image of India, resolve to live in peace and grow economically. Also radically cut the oversized military budget (no Indo-Pak war is possible anymore as both are nuclear-armed), increase spending on social services, health and education (investment in people). Withdraw the ever-stretched begging bowl. These are the sentiments being expressed all over Pakistan by the people who are the ultimate sovereigns of the state, which has failed miserably to protect their life and property. The state has progressively become a security state instead of a welfare state. Since 1958 the country has been ruled by the military establishment directly or indirectly through proxy civilian governments, which were and are a fig leaf for the real power behind the scenes. Foreign and domestic security policy has been hijacked by the military establishment, giving it free reign to declare demands for fundamental and constitutional rights as anti-state and those who voice them enemies of the security state. Also in its misconstrued strategic depth and assets doctrine, the military establishment has allowed ‘non-state’ foreign and local militants, terrorist groups and organisations to use our soil for attacking other states and the Pakistani citizenry, thus violating people’s sovereignty and security, where 35,000 citizens and military personnel have lost their lives. At the same time the security situation in Balochistan is reminiscent of the 1971 situation of East Pakistan due to the state’s violation of all human, fundamental and constitutional rights of the Baloch. This course is unsustainable in the second decade of the 21st century. May 2, 2011 in Abbottabad and the Mehran Base attack has exploded many myths, shattered the image of impregnability and brought the reality home that we may not be getting our money’s worth despite paying heavily. Although terrorism is a global phenomenon, it is currently deeply entrenched in the South Asian region, both in terms of its origin as well its immediate impact. Four countries of South Asia — Afghanistan, Pakistan, India and Bangladesh — all members of SAARC, are not only the sanctuaries of terrorists but undoubtedly the worst victims or potential victims of terrorism. The already existing conflicts between these countries get accentuated as a result of terrorist acts. This in turn impedes the potential cooperation in the areas of the economy, social sector, culture, people’s sovereignty and security among them within the broader framework of SAARC, which remains the only dysfunctional regional organisation in the contemporary world organised essentially around effective regional cooperation and integration arrangements. It is also evident that the menace of terrorism having transnational networks and outreach cannot be effectively combated by any country in isolation. It is imperative therefore to develop an effective collective approach at the SAARC level. It is noteworthy to mention that a SAARC Convention on combating terrorism (1987) is in existence and has been ratified by all member states. (Concluded) The writer is Director Programmes Sungi Development Foundation. He can be reached at asad.rahman@sungi.org