Since its inception, Pakistan’s foreign policy has been dominated by concerns for security, which provided the military establishment an upper hand in foreign policy execution. The recent events and failures of security institutions have initiated a debate that this dominance should be overturned and civilian leaders should be allowed independence to formulate and implement the foreign policy. This is probably the second time in Pakistan’s history (the first was 1971 after the separation of East Pakistan) that the military establishment is on the defensive and does not enjoy mass support for its interference in non-military functions. The key questions to address in foreign policy development are: what are our national interests? What is our domestic situation? And, what is our regional role? In the short term, Pakistan should seek to reduce tensions with its immediate neighbours, strengthen alliances with strategic partners and seek membership of economic blocs. In the long term, Pakistan’s foreign policy should be driven by three objectives, i.e. economic growth, domestic security and promotion of peace in the South Asian region. In the light of this strategy, it is important to re-evaluate our key relationships. The current phase of US-Pakistan relations started after the 9/11 terrorist attacks when the US took an aggressive stance against Afghanistan and Iraq for harbouring terrorists and weapons of mass destruction respectively. It is now clear that General Musharraf, who needed international recognition for his government, accepted the US’s terms of engagement without in-depth consultations with the politicians, diplomats and security experts. There is much speculation about the secret deal between Pakistan and the US to allow drone strikes on terrorists inside its borders. Although there is no significant evidence of such an agreement but in its absence, the US drone attacks will be classified as acts of war against a sovereign nation, which has far greater consequences. The collateral damage caused by drone attacks and unilateral action to kill Osama bin Laden has considerably damaged the US image as an ally among Pakistanis. Despite recent failures it is an important relationship for Pakistan to maintain and work on. The US is one of the largest markets for Pakistani, absorbing over 30 percent of its exports; it is home to over 750,000 Pakistani immigrants and a source of considerable foreign remittances. The US provides important diplomatic support to Pakistan’s position in multilateral institutions like the IMF, WTO and the UN. The US supplies a significant portion of military hardware to Pakistan and is the largest provider of economic aid. Despite all this, the Pakistan-US relationship has not grown beyond a certain level. Pakistan’s relationship with the US, at best, can be termed as transactional rather than strategic. A long history of diplomatic relationship has not transpired into cultural, social and intellectual interactions. In the absence of this human factor, the relationship will always be oriented towards short-term interests rather than a true alliance of friends based on trust, mutual respect and long-term interests. Pakistan must reconsider its agenda with the US and seek greater cooperation in the fields of student exchanges, cultural development, encourage foreign direct investment rather than aid and emphasise technology transfer. Pakistan’s relation with the US stands in stark contrast with its relations with China. China is not only a neighbour but considered an all-weather friend of Pakistan. After the assassination of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad, China came out strongly in support of Pakistan and recognised its contributions in the war on terror. China is backing the permanent membership of Pakistan in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), which will not only help the country economically but also reduce some of the security fears it has. Despite international pressures, China has provided Pakistan nuclear power plants. Military cooperation between the two neighbours has resulted in joint development of the fighter aircraft JF-17. The plane was successfully inducted into the Pakistan Air Force as well as secured orders for 150 planes from other countries. It must be pointed out here that although China has stood with Pakistan in times of peril, that does not mean that it will subordinate its national interests for friendship with Pakistan. A look at China’s recent foreign policy initiatives suggests that it is seeking to resolve its border conflicts with India and has advised Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir issue amicably. China has not objected to the inclusion of India in the SCO, which is an indication that it recognises the regional role of India. China has economic interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Pakistan provides a good logistical route to access the natural resources of these countries as well as provide new markets for its merchandise. Pakistan must inform the US that its relations with China are not at the cost of US interests as it is not a zero-sum game. In the last decade, India has gained worldwide recognition for its efforts to open up its economy, resolve internal conflicts and emerge as an important contributor in multilateral organisations. Russia and the US have announced their support for India’s candidacy as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Pakistan has to understand that reducing tensions with India is in its own interest. Pakistani diplomats must take into account the fact that India fully understands that its policy towards Pakistan is keenly watched by 200 million Indian Muslims. Pakistan should improve its trade ties with India while maintaining active negotiations on Kashmir, Sir Creek and water issues. Afghanistan has traditionally been a supporter of the Indian position in multilateral organisations. Their historical relationship goes far back before 1947 when Pakistan came into existence. India has provided economic aid to Afghanistan to the tune of $ 1.2 billion and is willing to offer more. On the other hand, Afghanistan knows that its economic survival is based on its friendship with Pakistan. The cornerstone of Afghan-Pakistan diplomacy should be to negotiate a security agreement, which formally recognises the Durand Line as the international border between the two countries, non-aggression against each other and military cooperation. This agreement should be followed by a free trade agreement between the two countries. The Iran-Pakistan relationship should be modelled after the Turkish-Iran model whereby both countries have been enjoying peaceful co-existence for over 360 years through recognition of borders and increased trade. Iran could be a major energy supplier and also provide favourable market access to Pakistani textiles and other merchandise. Pakistan should focus inward to grow its economy, improve the quality of life of its citizen, strengthen internal security and build strong state institutions. These objectives cannot be achieved until the foreign policy is aligned to reduce tensions and improve relations. One senior diplomat once defined their strategy as: “We have only two categories of countries. Friends and potential friends.” The writer is the Chairman Council of Past Presidents, Pakistan Chamber of Commerce-USA. He can be reached at abdul.kundi@gmail.com