The Hazara community may claim to be descendents of the Great Khan of the Mongols or a remnant of the Mughals/Mongol conquerors of India via Afghanistan. However, in their recent abode, Afghanistan, they are considered and treated as of low-caste, compelled to work as sweepers and clean latrines, like some Christians in Pakistan and Harijans in India. In Afghanistan, they are in a considerable number, maybe half a million, but in Afghan challenges or wars against the British, Russians, the recent resistance termed as the war on terror, American and NATO aggression, the Hazara community in Afghanistan has no role. Afghans blame them for collaboration with the US and Pakistan. About a century and a half ago, a large number of Hazara boys and girls were kidnapped, brought to Baloch areas and sold as slaves. Somehow, maybe in search of relatives, they developed contacts with their people in Afghanistan. These interactions and contacts were also helpful for exchange of experiences. They found Baloch heterogeneity and liberalism quite amicable. Henry Pottinger, in 1810, about his experiences with the Baloch contacts says in his Travels, Sindh and Balochistan that Baloch treatment of weak neighbours, even of slaves, was surprising. Usually they treat the weak, workers and even slaves as equals, and they were seen eating together with these people without discrimination. Authentic authorities on anthropology enumerate the characteristic of Baloch heterogeneity among others — federal, autonomous, hierarchy, equality, consultation, etc, with civic nationalism that projects tolerance and acceptability. It is quite easy to become a Baloch without any consideration of caste or creed, religion or tongue. This Baloch tradition and behaviour attracted more and more Hazaras from Afghanistan to migrate to Balochistan. Hazaras, though treated in Afghanistan as low caste citizens, are strong-built and hard working. In Balochistan during their initial migration during the British period, railway lines were being laid down and construction of roads was started to link Afghanistan to India via the Bolan Pass near Quetta and Loralai/DG Khan. Historians believe that Afghan diplomacy and the art of survival are unmatched. Throughout history, they were in the neighbourhood of three superpowers: Russia, British India and Persia (Even today, they are dealing with 48 big powers, such as the US and Europe, and not on good terms with other neighbouring countries, including Russia). In spite of all this, observers say, the Afghans are dealing with their affairs very intelligently. Although the Hazara community is the weakest among Afghans, their farsightedness and art of survival are stronger in comparison. On their migration to Balochistan, they enjoyed and felt comfortable living in a Baloch liberal and heterogeneous society. However, they soon realised that power and the future lay somewhere else. They allied themselves with British employers and camp followers and had friendly relations with local Baloch-Pashtun collaborators. On the British leaving the subcontinent and Balochistan in 1947, power in Pakistan was transferred to Punjab. Being a Karachiite, M A Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan and the early days media controllee, the mohajir (Urdu-speaking) also got their due share. The present polarisation and power grouping is a recent development of the Generals’ politics — Zia to Punjab and Musharraf to the Urdu-speaking area. In Pakistan, the Punjabi/Urdu-speaking camp followers, who later on called themselves settlers, represented the new partnership of power of Punjab and the Urdu-speaking. The camp followers, the new power in Balochistan, already had good relations with the Hazara community. Because of their (Hazara’s) allegiance to the new power, the rulers were of the opinion that this minority may replace and fill the vacuum created by the departure of the British army gurkhas. The Pakistan army started recruiting a large number of Balochistan-based Hazaras, some of whom rose to the rank of general — General Musa being one example; brigadiers ( Brigadier Sharbat), and other high ranks. Among these Hazara officers, quite a number of them were inducted in the Balochistan Civil Service posts of commissioner, deputy commissioner and secretaries. All these high officials from general to lower level civil officers proved their gift for community conscience. Wherever a Hazara officer was posted, he recruited more people in the services from his community, creating heartburn in the local Baloch and Pashtun. When General Musa, after retirement as commander-in-chief of the Pakistan army became the governor of West Pakistan, he declared the Hazaras as a local tribe of Balochistan through an ordinance. It meant that anybody crossing the Afghan border automatically becomes a local of Balochistan, where tribesmen have all citizenship rights. Another factor of Iranian patronage to the Hazaras created more anguish to local Baloch-Pashtun bad feelings. Iran wanted to use the Hazara community as a pressure group against Baloch nationalists and separatists. Iran’s financial help and through an easy approach to Iranian smuggled products, the Hazaras were dominating business in Quetta city, which created a sense of rivalry in the Pashtun business community. They also annoyed Baloch nationalist political workers when they started buying lands in Baloch areas on a large scale. Initially, the migrated Hazaras were settled in Quetta’s eastern suburb, near Murdar (Mehrdad) Mountains called Marriabad. Slowly, the locals allege, they strategically started settling in the western suburb near the Chiltan Mountains, chasing away people from all other communities. Today, in both the eastern and western suburbs near Murdar and Chiltan, Hazara settlements have become a no-go area for other communities. In the early 1990s, Nawab Khair Buksh Marri pointed out the Hazara political economic spread with Iranian patronage, specially buying lands in Baloch areas. Instead of any positive remedy, a campaign of media statements targeting the Nawab started. As usual, and because of his (the Nawab’s) tradition, he avoided indulging in media controversies. The situation worsened and aggravated when Iranian pilgrims during Hajj attempted to occupy a corner of Bait-ul-Allah Sharif at Mecca. The entire Hazara community is said to have joined Iranian Shias. Observers say that the Saudis sharply reacted and started funding and provoking a Wahabi tendency amongst Sunnis. Recently, an Iranian TV channel, Press TV, in its telecast, was openly blaming the Saudis’ stated involvement in Shia killings. However, in Balochistan, a large number of other communities, such as Urdu-speaking, Punjabi, and even Baloch Shias live. None except for the Hazara community has so far been targeted. Generally, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi accepts responsibility for such acts, as many in the Lashkar and Sipah Sahaba are local, mostly Baloch. However, observers do not rule out a soft corner of the Taliban who are Sunni and have a tendency of Wahabiism also being involved in attacking mazaars (mausoleums). As stated, the reaction was the result of the Hazaras’ target killing a number of Sunni ulema and pesh imams. Mostly they were locals, both Baloch and Pashtun. All fingers point to Hazaras for the target killings of the Sunni ulema. Some observers believe that in the Hazara and local rivalry, the involvement of politics and electioneering cannot be ruled out. However, the government, both federal and provincial, does not seem to be much bothered. That may result in encashment of the aggravating situation to divert attention from the deteriorating overall law and order situation, other fundamental issues and national crises. The writer is a freelance columnist