Pakistan is a country with 75 years of history, but countless challenges and opportunities to learn seem to have taught us nothing. We still find ourselves amidst the economic crisis, domestic challenges, political turmoil, and weakened international relations. As political debate takes over the media and our daily lives, I, like a handful of economists, would want to focus on the economic side of the country in hopes that it may fall on a few important deaf ears. Let’s talk about federalism, a topic that requires a better understanding and can lead to the economic revival of the country. Pakistan has a constitutional history marred by instability. The Constituent Assembly was presented with the first constitution nine years after Pakistan’s independence. In 1954, the assembly was dissolved without a constitutional mandate by the Governor General, resulting in political instability. The constitutions of 1956 and 1962 were repealed, and the constitution of 1962 violated the democratic principles of one-man-one-vote and adult franchise, as well as establishing a defective federal structure with a centralised federation and a unicameral legislature. The Pakistani Federation’s excessive centralization led to the secession of the largest province. The Oath of Quaid-e-Azam established allegiance to the crown. “I do solemnly affirm true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of Pakistan as by law established and I will be faithful to His Majesty (or her Majesty) his heirs and successors in the Office of the Governor-General of Pakistan.” Pakistan has failed miserably in putting forward its dire need to resolve the water disputes. However, in my opinion, it laid the foundations of a long-term devolution of power amongst the federating units that remain unsolved. This is alongside a systematic flaw that further gave rise to a divide between the constitution and Islamic Jurisprudence. To date, Pakistan faces grave challenges in the devolution of power which has become a sensitive topic amongst the leadership. In 2010, the adoption of the eighteenth amendment to Pakistan’s constitution was lauded as a significant achievement. It also mandated the formation of local governments in order to bring the government closer to the people. It took the provinces a half-decade to establish local governments, and actual decision-making authority and financial resources have arrived even more slowly. Devolution, a statutory delegation of central government powers to regional and local governments would make governance structures more effective and responsive to local needs. In heterogeneous nations such as Pakistan, where significant portions of the population are marginalised by centralist and patronage-based governance mechanisms, devolution of power to local levels of government is especially important. Unfortunately, our past taught us nothing. With the creation of Bangladesh, Pakistan was deprived of its potential industrial units. This, according to me, is the first instance of poorly-managed federating units. In 2000, when late President General Pervaiz Musharraf raised the slogan, “empower the impoverished,” many saw hope in a structure that would allow greater financial and economic power at the grass-root level. Therefore, Pakistan needs to seriously improve and implement the Devolution Power Plan 2000 leading to a more effective federating and governing system. Today’s Pakistan – a security state is falling behind in domestic politics, the utilization of its natural resources, and the international political front. Our second challenge is rising water tension and scarcity. While Pakistan and China’s cooperation continues to make progress on various hydropower projects. China’s Gezhouba Group Company (CGGC) in a JV is constructing the Mohmand Dam while Power China in a JV with Frontier Works Organisation (FWO) is constructing the MW-1 Dam part DBPGP. However, the country still awaits to reap the benefits of these projects in its domestic and commercial use. However, with over 290 potential sites for hydropower projects and an estimated potential capacity of 60000 MW, it is extremely unfortunate that Pakistan has failed miserably in putting forward its dire need to resolve the water disputes at the international forums. While only 11% of potential capacity has been utilized. Also, our efforts to effectively utilise our natural resources must not stay confined to “hydropower projects” and must spread across industries. We need to drastically change the way we practice politics in Pakistan. As the political deadlock strengthens and our politicians continue to complicate matters and prefer their personal gains over politics, they are simply paving the way for an open invitation for a coup. And as mentioned in my previous writings, I do believe that we have benefitted more under military rule as compared to a democratic setup. Putting this discussion aside, we need to realise that economic growth demands stability. The only way, Pakistan can achieve this stability is by lying some definitive ground rules for the future. Firstly, to ensure that projects that are in the greater interest of the nation must be continued despite the regime change. Secondly, the political diaspora needs to become more systematic and fluid in its movement by allowing ruling political parties to complete their terms. Thirdly, the national security policy of Pakistan must serve as the base for all major political, diplomatic and economic policies and decisions. If we are able to achieve this, we will begin to see economic miracles in the country. The only way I see Pakistan rising as an economic giant like India and Bangladesh is by making concrete reformations in the above three areas – the federation, resource utilisation and our practice of politics. The writer is the Foreign Secretary—General for BRI College, China. He tweets @DrHasnain_javed