On 3 June 2015, the then US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter and his Indian counterpart, Manohar Parrikar signed a strategically significant Ten-Year Defense Framework Agreement, in New Delhi. Now again on 31 October 25, Indian Defense Minister and US Defense Secretary singed defense pact titled “Framework for the US-India Major Defense Partnership,” during ASEAN summit. This was not a surprising moment for many as past 20 years efforts mark the defense ties between US and India. Both the signatories praised the agreement. Hegseth defined it online as “a cornerstone for regional stability and deterrence” and told media that “It’s a significant step for our two militaries, a roadmap for deeper and even more meaningful collaboration ahead.” Singh glorified the “fruitful meeting” and stated that the agreement “will usher in a new era” in India-US defense ties. Singh further added that it reflects a “growing strategic convergence” among the two states and is critical for the Indo-Pacific region.
There has been ups and downs in US -India relations. During the cold war period, notwithstanding India’s stated policy of non-alignment, as a responsible democratic state, it collaborated with the US at critical occasions while remained dependent on the former USSR for its defense requirements. Korean War (1950-53) was the first event to reveal India-US defense cooperation. India warned the US of likely Chinese involvement into the conflict and cautioned US troops about the possible threat. In 1962 outbreak of India-China war, the US was ready to provide air support against the Chinese. Though before major war vessels were set to sail from the U.S. coasts, ceasefire was declared. US also sanctioned US 500 Mn military aid for India in the backdrop of the Indo-China war.
Pokhran nuclear test by India in 1974, created rift between US and India which was partially restored in 1978 through Delhi Declaration. In 1980 arms trade talks renewed between the two states and in 1984 signed MoU on sensitive technology transfers. In 1998 US imposed sanctions on India in the aftermath of Pokhran-II tests. From 2001 to 2004 relations between the two states improved on fast track as a result of 9/11 and attack on Indian Parliament.
In 2005 Civil Nuclear Deal was a defining moment in US-India relations. The period between the mid 2005-2020 witnessed a transformation in India-US defense relations and defense trade grew from US 6.2 Mn in 2019 to US 3.4 Bn in 2020. In the defense arena, there were also wide-ranging cooperation instruments like Defense Joint Working Group (DJWG), Defense Policy Group (DPG), Military Cooperation Group (MCG), Service-to-Service Executive Steering Groups (ESGs), Joint Technical Group (JTG), Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) and the 2+2 dialogue. In 2012 Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) was an enterprise for defense co-production between the two. The 2016 agreement of Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) designated India as a Major Defense Partner (MDP) of the U.S. In 2018, India signed the Communication and Information on Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) with US to lock communication Compatibility. In 2020, the Basic Exchange and Communications Agreement (BECA) allowed the two countries to share satellite data for long range navigation and missile targeting.
There have also been number of joint exercises and trainings conducted which included Malabar (1992) Naval exercise, Vajra Prahar (2002) Special Forces, Cope India (2002) Air combat, Yudh Abhyas (2003) Army exercise, Shatrujeet (2005) Field training, Habu Nag (2007) Disaster relief, Tarkash (2015) Counterterrorism, Tiger Triumph (2018) Tri-service humanitarian ops, Carrier Strike Group Exercise (2021) Maritime integration.
Consequently, Indian government also faces certain challenges in the framework of defense ties with US. India being the largest and oldest democracy wants complete autonomy in its policy decisions making whereas US being the strongest democracy have alliance-based approach. This required for better trust and policy overtness between the two. Moreover, most of Indian defense equipment is Russian origin thus will create compatibility hurdles. Export control restrictions; a 50% levy was imposed by US President on Indian exports is due to India purchases Russian oil. US administration is of the view that Russian oil purchase is like funding Russia war in Ukraine. India also abstained from voting in a UNGA resolution that condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. In spite of the US and Ukraine requests along with many other countries to New Delhi, Indian government stood with its policy of not being critical against Russia.
After an embarrassing defeat from Pakistan in Operation SINDOOR, launched on 7 May 2025, Modi government needed a face saving. A lot of criticism was faced by the Modi government on its misadventure from opposition benches as well from defense analysts. Modi government felt isolated as no one in the entire world buy their stance. The 2025 India-US ten-year Defense Framework Agreement, advertised by India as a “strategic victory” and proof of its status as a reliable global ally. It is in reality nothing more than a hollow display serving New Delhi’s egotism and image projection. It is a shield to cover India’s global embarrassment following Operation SINDOOR. Claims of deepened ties and operational interoperability between India and the US are purely rhetorical, while in reality, India has repeatedly failed to earn Washington’s trust or fulfill its commitments. Most notably, President Trump neither endorsed the 2025 agreement nor tweeted about it that clearly signaling its limited significance.
India exploits the agreement as a tool of propaganda and domestic political gain, claiming a central role alongside the US, while the reality is harshly different. Washington has remained cautious due to India’s close ties with Russia and has withheld sensitive technologies. The US is fully aware of India’s opportunistic, reckless balancing act and the risk that sensitive US technology could easily be transferred to Moscow.
The outcome of the 2025 agreement is likely to mirror the failures of the 2005 and 2015 pacts. Implementation of those agreements faded due to India’s strategic ambiguity and bureaucratic lethargy. Promises of advanced technology transfers, joint production, and full interoperability remained empty slogans. In practice, the 2015 agreement resulted only in conventional arms sales favoring American defense companies.
In short, the 2025 framework is a dramatic, optics-driven lie and a global deception. Until India confronts its trust deficit and ends its contradictory alliances, its defense diplomacy will remain a hollow. This agreement is not a strategic victory it is a conspicuous testimony to India’s magnificent claims, empty achievements, and enduring struggle for credibility on the world stage.