Pakistan’s civil-military relationship has long defined its democratic trajectory. Even the world, including the US, has accepted it as a new normal.
While the country is a multiparty parliamentary democracy, the military establishment remains a dominant actor, shaping alliances, policy outcomes, the economy, and even the rise and fall of dysfunctional governments. In recent years, coalition governments in the National Assembly have often depended on strategic alignments with the military to form national and foreign policies. These alliances hold as long as they serve mutual interests. When frictions emerge, the result is often political upheaval and hostile rhetoric, as evidenced by the dramatic fallout between the establishment and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf following the disqualification of its founder, Imran Khan.
Digital polarization is reshaping public discourse and deepening civil-military tensions in Pakistan.
As these political rifts deepen, YouTube has become an emerging digital space for competing ideologies in Pakistan. With declining trust in state-monitored broadcast media, many Pakistanis have turned to digital platforms to consume and produce political or apolitical content. The result is a dramatic rise in far-right and far-left YouTube journalism. The former often mirrors the establishment’s position, while the latter challenges it from the margins. These journalists feed the appetite of a growing digital citizenry, particularly young adults, who are disillusioned with mainstream electronic news media narratives.
The appeal of YouTube lies in its freedom from state regulations, low entry barriers, and its global reach. Unlike mainstream media, YouTube enables journalists and commentators to build parasocial relationships with their audiences. For many viewers, particularly the younger generation, YouTube journalism shapes (a)political worldviews more powerfully than the mainstream electronic news media.
Far-right YouTube journalists frequently glorify the military while framing it as the defender of national integrity. Their discourse often centers on threat narratives, portraying Pakistan as under constant siege-whether from hostile neighbor India, domestic critics, or imagined conspiracies. Their content relies heavily on emotionally charged language, reinforcing the image of the military as morally upright and infallible. In times of heightened tensions along the eastern border, Durand Line, or during clashes with militant groups, their messaging becomes even more fervent.
In contrast, far-left YouTube commentators, many of whom operate from exile or live abroad, construct anti-establishment narratives. They portray the military as a hegemonic actor with undue influence over civilian governance and national identity. Often rooted in ideological or partisan commitments, their commentary rejects military heroism. This narrative increasingly resonates with a segment of Pakistani youth who feel alienated from the institutions once seen as unifying forces.
This polarization has fractured the nation’s media landscape. Once, from Karachi to the Khyber Pass, the military was widely perceived as a symbol of patriotism and national resilience, especially during times of war or terrorism. That sentiment now appears to be eroding. Among digital citizens, particularly those consuming far-left content, the military is increasingly viewed not as a guardian but as a source of political dysfunction. Feelings of alienation and betrayal have replaced the solidarity that once defined national identity.
Such developments are a threat to stability in the country. The rise of populist digital movements has introduced volatility into the public discourse, sometimes destabilizing efforts at civil-military balance. Far-left protest movements, though couched in democratic language, often pursue unrest more than reform. Their rhetoric, while evocative, offers little in terms of viable economic or institutional alternatives.
Criticism is vital in a democratic society, but not all criticism is constructive. While the authors do not defend corruption, coercion, or injustice in any form, it is dangerously reductive to cast the entire military institution in a villainous light. This is a dark side of far-left resistance, a condition where persistent opposition, no matter how righteous it may appear, becomes an emotional performance that distracts from meaningful solutions.
It is true that when we focus on the dark sides, we eventually fail to see the light. If we are not wrong, especially the far-left are suffering from this psychological syndrome which prevents them from focusing on the positive developments in the country. They fail to acknowledge the Pakistan military’s successes against Indian aggression and terrorism, its significant role in improving the country’s worldview, and economic indicators. By isolating themselves within their far-left spaces, they seek to establish a unique position, but they may not realize how counterproductive this approach can be.
The burden of this kind of ideological positionality often falls squarely on common citizens, who focus on building careers, raising families, and contributing to the country’s development. They are increasingly caught between two extremes, neither of which offers a credible path forward. It is time to recognize how far-right or far-left digital activism can manipulate emotions under the guise of resistance or idiosyncratic ideologies, which serve personal or political agendas rather than national interests.
True progress will not emerge from relentless confrontation but from a commitment to stability, reform, and inclusive economic development. In a rapidly transforming world, seeking success through street protest or perpetual outrage is no longer a viable strategy. A more forward-looking approach is needed: one that prioritizes policy over populism and cooperation over conflict.
The first author is a Professor of English at Riphah International University, Lahore. He is a lead guest editor at Emerald and Springer publishing.
The second author is an Assistant Professor of English at Govt. Graduate College for Women, Samanabad, Lahore