Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, a few days back, briefed senators about the progress made so far in tackling terrorism. However, the senators asked for more effective steps and expressed their dissatisfaction with the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP). NAP, now a faded memory, was adopted by the political leadership and fully backed by the Pakistan army in the wake of the Peshawar incident to counter terrorism and extremism. It was welcomed then by a comparatively larger cross section of society because it embodied the will of the nation for the war against terror. It marked a clear break from the past because the political and military leadership of the country took ownership of the war for the first time. It took us more than a decade and thousands of precious lives to realise the gravity of the threat posed by the Frankenstein’s monster, the jihadists of our own making.
The measures proposed were, by and large, related to religious and sectarian violence. However, taking the Karachi operation to its logical conclusion and supporting the Balochistan government to pursue a course of dialogue with the insurgents were also incorporated in NAP. The plan was a mix of both short and long-term measures. The apex committees were constituted at the provincial level to oversee the translation of the plan into action. The Prime Minister (PM), with a penchant for committees, also constituted a number of committees to keep himself relevant in the new power equation, which emerged after December 16, 2014. The salient feature of the plan was departure from the decades’ old mantra of blaming others for all our miseries and troubles. The wrath of the nation was channelled against the terrorists and their sympathisers within our borders, and it was termed a paradigm shift in our security and strategic calculus.
Military courts, for the speedy trials of hardcore militants, terror financing, regulation of seminaries and curbing of hate speech became fancied terminology in our print and electronic media for quite some time after the adoption of NAP. However, after a lapse of five months, we need an objective assessment of the plan, in terms of implementation and the desired results achieved, so far. The recent discussion in Senate about its implementation provided us an opportunity and some good statistics about the progress made so far. The Yemen crisis, though handled tactfully by the security and political leadership, diverted the focus and threw a spanner in the progress made on the war against terror. The successful conclusion of the Karachi operation was a part of the plan but events in the coastal theatre have taken an ugly turn in the last few weeks. The perceived standoff between the MQM and the security establishment, especially the allegations of foreign intelligence agencies backing the saboteurs and the provocative statements by Altaf Hussain against the military, has further complicated matters. Too much preoccupation with the vitriolic diatribe of the capricious Altaf Hussain should not result in the loss of sight of the forest for the trees.
Operation Zarb-e-Azb started before the Peshawar incident and has been successfully completed. The internally displaced persons (IDPs) of North Waziristan have been repatriated to their homes and hearths. The safe havens of terrorists in Khyber Agency are under attack and heavy casualties are being reported on the enemy’s side. Executions, the subject of much controversy, are carried out and the numbers have entered triple digits.
The much needed administrative and development reforms in FATA, as promised in NAP, have so far received scant attention. Terror financing has also remained a neglected area. The informal means for transfer of funds, hundi and hawala, is still thriving along the length and breadth of the country. Without stern action and crackdown against it, the flow of funds to terrorists from far off lands cannot be severed successfully. The arrest of super model Ayyan Ali may be the only major breakthrough in this regard. As far as hate speech is concerned the leaders of sectarian outfits are free to shout while foaming at the mouth in support of their benefactor, Saudi Arabia. However, a voice of enlightenment, Sabeen Mahmud, has been silenced for the crime of ‘un-silencing Balochistan’. Her death has badly affected the confidence of the liberal intelligentsia, who wholeheartedly supported the struggle of the security agencies against jihadists.
Regarding reforms of seminaries, suffice it to say: easier said than done. Before embarking on the Herculean task of reforming the seminaries, we need to undertake overhauling the public education sector. The students churned out by public sector schools have the same linear thinking and narrow worldview as those belonging to religious seminaries. The banned organisations will not be allowed to re-emerge under any other name as per NAP. However, the alleged involvement of the Indian intelligence agency in fuelling terror within our borders will make any progress in this regard unlikely in the near future. My predicament may be misplaced but the proposed piece of legislation for curbing cyber terrorism may be misused to gag the few voices of sanity and reason. We have already thrown the baby out with the bathwater by banning YouTube and that makes us sceptical of any such endeavours. The plan also emphasised strengthening the Balochistan government for reconciliation with the insurgents. However, prospects on this front are not too encouraging. The way our security establishment is trying to muffle the voice of Mama Qadeer, he is fast assuming the mantle of ‘Balochistan’s Gandhi’. He needs more refined and tactful handling, and a few patient ears.
There were so many other things like the Afghan refugees, National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA) and a special anti-terrorism force in NAP. However, the political leadership and civilian bureaucracy have failed to make any tangible impact in terms of achieving the objectives of the plan. In all three theatres — Karachi, FATA and Balochistan — it is the army that is taking pains to make things happen. With the present lackadaisical approach on the part of the civilian leadership, the implementation of NAP and hence the curbing of violence and militancy will remain an elusive dream.
The author is assistant accountant general, Peshawar