The ousting of the elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on July 5th, 1977 in a military coup is a highly regrettable event in Pakistan’s political history. Although it was not an unprecedented event per se, it was the preface to a draconian chapter in Pakistan’s history since it led to the atrocious execution of Bhutto through an out-rightly bogus judicial trial, and ushered in an era marked with the erosion of civil rights, and the most callous exploitation of religion under General Zia.
There is no doubt Bhutto was the most popular leader in the run up to the general elections in March 1977. Yet there was no guarantee he would be the unanimous choice of Pakistanis since his rule since December 1971 was full of political turbulence-more often caused by his own deeds.
Following the civil war in East Pakistan which resulted in the dismemberment of our country, Bhutto had a unique opportunity to make a ‘New Pakistan’. Sadly, he preferred political self-aggrandisement.
In 1967, the Peoples Party, inspired by socialist ideals, was founded by men of deep learning and integrity such as J.A. Rahim, Mubashir Hassan, Mairaj Muhammad Khan, Mukhtar Rana and others. Bhutto was chosen as the party’s founding chairman for his record of having led the country in the past ten years, for his education, and more importantly for his demagogic oratory.
Not that these principals of the PPP were not aware of Bhutto’s aristocratic background, but it seems they were optimistic they could change the tendencies Bhutto had acquired due to his link with feudal aristocracy. They were mistaken.
It took little time for Bhutto’s autocratic disposition to become public. For instance Mukhtar Rana and Mairaj Muhammad Khan were too outspoken and candid in their views to be tolerated by Bhutto who threw them in jail without placing any charges against them.
Similarly, J.A. Rahim, an old Bengali statesman, who was the true founder and thinker behind the party, was dealt with similarly by Bhutto. In a cabinet meeting, Rahim had opposed Bhutto’s nomination for a minister’s post; as heated words were exchanged, Bhutto asked the old man to leave the room.
The same evening, Bhutto’s Federal Security Forces barged into his house, callously beat the old man and informed him he had been dismissed from the cabinet and from his party post as Secretary General.
Instead of uniting the country and its diverse people by accommodating other political leaders and parties, Bhutto acted imperially. Although his party didn’t have any decisive seats in the provincial assemblies of Balochistan and NWFP (now KPK), through political machinations and whimsical actions, Bhutto overthrew the NAP-JUI government in Balochistan, and imposed governor rule, which led the NAP and itsallies to resign from NWFP.
This musical chair of changes in government continued in Punjab and Sindh as well. During 1973-77, Punjab saw four Chief Ministers and four Governors; Sindh also saw four Governors and two Chief Minsters.
During Bhutto’s rule, the four provinces of Pakistan collectively saw as many as seventeen Governors and thirteen Chief Ministers; of course, few celebrated their first anniversary in office.
For Pakistan’s political leaders, the lesson from July 5, 1977 should be to curb their urge to transform themselves into vicegerents through democracy
When Bhutto held general elections in March 1977, his win was certain. What was not certain was if the PPP would get a two-thirds majority which would allow him to change the country’s constitution to his taste. To achieve that, Bhutto unleashed the police, the FSF, and the ISI to scare away opposition candidates from filing for election and later from running their electoral campaigns.
Consequently, the PPP unbelievably secured 77% of the seats in the National Assembly, far more than the required two-third majority. Bhutto’s acts had catapulted his rivals to a level where they had no stakes left in the system.
Instead of pacifying the opposition and resolving the stalemate, Bhutto imposed martial law in Lahore, Karachi and Hyderabad- the nerve centres of the opposition- a month after the elections. That point onwards, the situation only slipped from Bhutto’s control, eventually leading to his own ouster in a military coup on July 5th 1977.
Many will wonder how we can attribute all this mess to Bhutto. This is understandable, especially when we consider how even today Prime Ministers have very little freedom in the presence of an assertive judiciary, electronic media and the all powerful army.
But back then, Bhutto was seen as a saviour for the new Pakistan and as a very popular and charismatic leader while the army was still recovering from the humiliating defeat of 1971. His aristocratic background, own personal disposition, and the situation he found himself in must have led him to feel and act as an imperial being.
For Pakistan’s political leaders, the lesson from July 5, 1977 should be to learn to curb their urge to transform themselves into vicegerents through democracy. Democracy is about people and not self-aggrandisement.
The writer is a sociologist with interest in politics and history. He’s accessible on Twitter @ZulfiRao1
Published in Daily Times, July 8th , 2017.