The fight against terrorism emanating from Pakistan’s eastern border has become an existential threat. The primary source of this terrorism remains Afghanistan and the conducive environment it provides. Although the Taliban, TTP, and BLA have divergent ideologies, they share a common objective of targeting Pakistan and its people, making the threat more complex. Initially, the TTP had suicide bombing capability, but later the BLA was trained in suicide bombing by the TTP. In Balochistan, a nexus between the BLA and BYC has emerged for the radicalisation and recruitment of women for suicide bombing.
BYC is presented publicly as a rights platform, but the ground realities, the consistency of its narratives, and multiple cases that have surfaced later show a different picture. The impression is strengthened that this platform is not limited to protest politics, but instead creates an ideological environment where youth, especially educated Baloch women, are gradually pushed toward extremist narratives, and later these same individuals are used by terrorist networks like the BLA.
BYC appears to function as a human rights cover in the entire process, where grievances and emotional narratives are used to mentally prepare youth, while the BLA uses them for actual terrorism.
BYC’s protests, social media campaigns, emotional narratives about missing persons, and constant anti-state propaganda create anger, frustration, and psychological alienation among youth. University students, middle-class women, and girls from urban backgrounds are particularly shaped into a specific mental framework in the name of victimhood and resistance.
Once this ideological base is solidified, terrorist networks make contact with these affected individuals. They are later inducted into the BLA network through secret cells, facilitators, and training camps, where they are prepared for logistics, media, intelligence, weapons handling, and even suicide attacks.
This entire model specifically targets young Baloch women. Strikingly, many of these women were neither living in poverty nor did they have a direct background of a missing family member. This strengthens the impression that the issue is not merely personal deprivation but the result of organised ideological brainwashing, emotional manipulation, and propaganda.
The BLA began using women not merely as activists but as operational assets. They were trained in weapons, explosives, and warfare tactics in remote camps. These women were later used for propaganda videos, logistics, combat operations, and especially for suicide attacks by the Majeed Brigade to maximise media impact and psychological pressure. BYC appears to function as a human rights cover in this entire process, where grievances and emotional narratives are used to mentally prepare youth, while the BLA uses them for actual terrorism.
A clear similarity was also observed in the narratives of BYC and the BLA: suicide attackers and terrorist elements are portrayed as “heroes of resistance” and “empowered fighters.” This blurs the distinction between peaceful protest and armed terrorism in young minds. Similarly, multiple protests emerged where activities apparently carried out in the name of rights later appeared linked to facilitating terrorist elements. These included blocking ambulances, obstructing the transfer of terrorists’ bodies, and violent clashes with police.
A Baloch girl, Laiba, claimed in a press release that TTP commanders lured her through a network in which individuals linked to BYC facilitated her. She also accused Dr Sabiha and certain other elements of mentally preparing women for suicide operations. Statements of this nature have raised serious questions about the role of these networks.
Several cases have surfaced where individuals were first declared forcibly disappeared, but later appeared as terrorists or suicide attackers in BLA or BLF operations. Cases such as Wadud Satazkai, Kareem Jan, Sufyan Kurd, and Sohaib Langau have raised questions about the credibility of this narrative.
This is why the impression is strengthening that certain circles use the emotional issue of “missing persons” as a shield for terrorist networks to provide cover for recruitment, facilitation, and propaganda.
Historically, the direct involvement of women in armed terrorist activities in Balochistan was almost nonexistent. But in recent years, not only has there been an increase in female suicide bombers, but their training, photos, and videos have been openly made part of propaganda campaigns. This change does not appear to be coincidental, but part of an organised strategy.
Keeping in mind all such platforms and networks that emotionally and ideologically exploit young Baloch women and ultimately push them into the hands of terrorist organisations, should be seriously examined and banned.
The writer is a freelance columnist and contributes regularly on issues concerning national security.