On 3 June 2015, the then US Defence Secretary Ashton Carter and his Indian counterpart, Manohar Parrikar, signed a strategically significant Ten-Year Defence Framework Agreement in New Delhi. Now again on 31 October 25, the Indian Defence Minister and US Defence Secretary signed a defence pact titled “Framework for the US-India Major Defence Partnership” during the ASEAN summit. This was not a surprising moment for many, as the past 20 years’ efforts mark the defence ties between the US and India. Both the signatories praised the agreement. Hegseth defined it online as “a cornerstone for regional stability and deterrence” and told the media that “It’s a significant step for our two militaries, a roadmap for deeper and even more meaningful collaboration ahead.” Singh glorified the “fruitful meeting” and stated that the agreement “will usher in a new era” in India-US defence ties. Singh further added that it reflects a “growing strategic convergence” among the two states and is critical for the Indo-Pacific region.
There have been ups and downs in US-India relations. During the Cold War period, notwithstanding India’s stated policy of non-alignment, as a responsible democratic state, it collaborated with the US on critical occasions while remaining dependent on the former USSR for its defence requirements. The Korean War (1950-53) was the first event to reveal India-US defence cooperation. India warned the US of likely Chinese involvement in the conflict and cautioned US troops about the possible threat. In the 1962 outbreak of the India-China war, the US was ready to provide air support against the Chinese. Though before major war vessels were set to sail from the US coasts, a ceasefire was declared. The US also sanctioned US$500 million in military aid for India in the backdrop of the Indo-China war.
The 2025 India-US Ten-Year Defence Framework Agreement, advertised by India as a “strategic victory” and proof of its status as a reliable global ally, is in reality nothing more than a hollow display serving New Delhi’s egotism and image projection.
The Pokhran nuclear test by India in 1974 created a rift between the US and India, which was partially restored in 1978 through the Delhi Declaration. In 1980, arms trade talks resumed between the two states, and in 1984, they signed an MoU on sensitive technology transfers. In 1998, the US imposed sanctions on India in the aftermath of the Pokhran-II tests. From 2001 to 2004, relations between the two states improved on a fast track as a result of 9/11 and the attack on the Indian Parliament.
In 2005, the Civil Nuclear Deal was a defining moment in US-India relations. The period between mid-2005 and 2020 witnessed a transformation in India-US defence relations, and defence trade grew from US$6.2 million in 2019 to US$3.4 billion in 2020. In the defence arena, there were also wide-ranging cooperation instruments like the Defence Joint Working Group (DJWG), Defence Policy Group (DPG), Military Cooperation Group (MCG), Service-to-Service Executive Steering Groups (ESGs), Joint Technical Group (JTG), Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), and the 2+2 dialogue. In 2012, the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) was an enterprise for defence co-production between the two. The 2016 agreement of the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) designated India as a Major Defence Partner (MDP) of the US. In 2018, India signed the Communication and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) with the US to lock communication compatibility. In 2020, the Basic Exchange and Communications Agreement (BECA) allowed the two countries to share satellite data for long-range navigation and missile targeting.
There have also been a number of joint exercises and trainings conducted, which included Malabar (1992) Naval exercise; Vajra Prahar (2002) Special Forces; Cope India (2002) Air combat; Yudh Abhyas (2003) Army exercise; Shatrujeet (2005) Field training; Habu Nag (2007) Disaster relief; Tarkash (2015) Counterterrorism; Tiger Triumph (2018) Tri-service humanitarian ops; Carrier Strike Group Exercise (2021) Maritime integration.
Consequently, the Indian government also faces certain challenges in the framework of defence ties with the US. India, being the largest and oldest democracy, wants complete autonomy in its policy decision-making, whereas the US, being the strongest democracy, has an alliance-based approach. This requires better trust and policy openness between the two. Moreover, most of India’s defence equipment is of Russian origin, thus creating compatibility hurdles. Export control restrictions: a 50% levy was imposed by the US President on Indian exports due to India’s purchase of Russian oil. The US administration is of the view that Russian oil purchases are like funding Russia’s war in Ukraine. India also abstained from voting in a UNGA resolution that condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. In spite of the US and Ukraine’s requests, along with many other countries, to New Delhi, the Indian government stood with its policy of not being critical of Russia.
After an embarrassing defeat from Pakistan in Operation SINDOOR, launched on 7 May 2025, the Modi government needed face-saving. A lot of criticism was faced by the Modi government on its misadventure from opposition benches as well as from defence analysts. The Modi government felt isolated as no one in the entire world bought their stance. The 2025 India-US Ten-Year Defence Framework Agreement, advertised by India as a “strategic victory” and proof of its status as a reliable global ally, is in reality nothing more than a hollow display serving New Delhi’s egotism and image projection. It is a shield to cover India’s global embarrassment following Operation SINDOOR. Claims of deepened ties and operational interoperability between India and the US are purely rhetorical, while in reality, India has repeatedly failed to earn Washington’s trust or fulfil its commitments. Most notably, President Trump neither endorsed the 2025 agreement nor tweeted about it, clearly signalling its limited significance.
India exploits the agreement as a tool of propaganda and domestic political gain, claiming a central role alongside the US, while the reality is harshly different. Washington has remained cautious due to India’s close ties with Russia and has withheld sensitive technologies. The US is fully aware of India’s opportunistic, reckless balancing act and the risk that sensitive US technology could easily be transferred to Moscow. The outcome of the 2025 agreement is likely to mirror the failures of the 2005 and 2015 pacts. Implementation of those agreements faded due to India’s strategic ambiguity and bureaucratic lethargy. Promises of advanced technology transfers, joint production, and full interoperability remained empty slogans. In practice, the 2015 agreement resulted only in conventional arms sales favouring American defence companies.
In short, the 2025 framework is a dramatic, optics-driven lie and a global deception. Until India confronts its trust deficit and ends its contradictory alliances, its defence diplomacy will remain hollow. This agreement is not a strategic victory; it is a conspicuous testimony to India’s magnificent claims, empty achievements, and enduring struggle for credibility on the world stage.
The writer is a geopolitical researcher.