In a world grappling with escalating climate crises, few regions are as precariously poised at the edge of environmental and human catastrophe as South Asia. Among the most critical threads binding India and Pakistan – two nuclear-armed neighbours with a long and complicated history – is water. Specifically, the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) of 1960 that has stood the test of time through wars, political upheavals, and nationalist posturing. However, India’s unilateral move to suspend the treaty, despite it being a legally binding international agreement brokered by the World Bank, sends a dangerous signal. It threatens not only regional peace but also the livelihoods, food security, and future of nearly 300 million people across the Indus basin. At a time when both nations are staring at worsening water scarcity, record-breaking temperatures, and agricultural instability, it is imperative to recognise that cooperation, not confrontation, is the only way forward. The Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) was signed in 1960 after 12 years of negotiations between India and Pakistan, facilitated by the World Bank. The treaty allocated the waters of six rivers of the Indus basin between the two countries: Pakistan was granted rights over the three western rivers (Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab), while India received rights over the three eastern rivers (Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej). It was hailed globally as a model of water-sharing and dispute resolution – an agreement that endured even during the wars of 1965, 1971, and the Kargil conflict of 1999. It remains one of the world’s most successful water-sharing mechanisms. As noted by the World Bank, the IWT has “survived frequent tensions, including conflict, between India and Pakistan,” a testament to its importance. However, India’s recent decision to “suspend” the IWT unilaterally undermines this spirit of cooperation. As per international law, particularly the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), no party can unilaterally withdraw from or suspend a treaty without following due legal processes, unless the treaty itself explicitly provides for such an exit – which the IWT does not. This suspension, if unchecked, could unravel a delicate peace, setting a precedent that treaties, no matter how vital, can be discarded at will. The Indus does not belong to only one country. It belongs to the millions who live by its banks, who pray for its monsoon rains, who toil under the sun to coax life from its soil. Both India and Pakistan are among the world’s most water-stressed countries. According to the IMF, Pakistan ranks third in the world in facing severe water scarcity, while India ranks 13th according to the World Resources Institute’s Water Risk Atlas. In Pakistan, per capita water availability has plummeted from 5,600 cubic meters per year in 1947 to less than 1,000 cubic meters today – the threshold of absolute water scarcity. In India, major cities like Chennai, Delhi, and Bengaluru are already facing acute water shortages, with studies predicting that 40% of India’s population will have no access to drinking water by 2030. Climate change is further compounding the crisis. Himalayan glaciers, which feed the Indus River system, are melting at alarming rates. A report by the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) estimates that the Hindu Kush Himalaya region has lost about 16% of its glaciers since 1975, with the pace accelerating in recent years. The World Bank has warned that by 2025, which is this year, water scarcity could cost India 6% of its GDP, while Pakistan’s economy could shrink by as much as 4-5% annually without urgent reforms. In this bleak context, weaponising water will not hurt governments – it will devastate farmers, families, and future generations across both sides of the border. Both nations’ economies and food security are critically dependent on the Indus basin. Agriculture employs about 42% of Pakistan’s workforce and contributes around 20% of its GDP. India’s agricultural sector, though relatively diversified, still employs nearly 44% of its labour force and contributes about 18% to its GDP. More importantly, between 80-90% of water usage in both countries is for agricultural purposes. The canal systems fed by the Indus rivers are lifelines for millions of farmers growing wheat, rice, sugarcane, and cotton – staples that not only feed populations but also anchor rural economies. Disruptions in water flows will directly translate into lower crop yields, rising food prices, malnutrition, unemployment, and rural distress. When agriculture suffers, it is the poorest–women, children, smallholder farmers – who bear the brunt first and worst. Given the shared stakes and shared suffering, there is no rational alternative to cooperation. Instead of unilateralism, both countries must come to the table – perhaps even expand the scope of the IWT to include climate resilience measures, water conservation technologies, and early warning systems for floods and droughts. There are precedents for such collaboration. The Indus Waters Treaty itself set up mechanisms like the Permanent Indus Commission (PIC), which has successfully resolved dozens of technical disputes over the decades through dialogue rather than escalation. Even during the 2001-2002 military standoff, the PIC meetings continued. Moreover, India and Pakistan are both parties to the UN Watercourses Convention and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 6, which emphasises the sustainable management of water for all. At the heart of these frameworks is the recognition that water must be seen not as a zero-sum game, but as a shared resource demanding shared responsibility. Imagine the possibilities if India and Pakistan collaborated on: Joint river basin management plans; Drought-resilient agriculture programs; Shared investments in climate-smart irrigation and desalination technologies; Glacial monitoring systems; Exchange of hydrological data for early disaster response. Such cooperation could help avert humanitarian crises, build economic resilience, and even create diplomatic trust – a scarce commodity in South Asia. History teaches us that walls eventually fall, but bridges built in times of adversity endure. At a time when the world is struggling with complex, overlapping crises – from pandemics to global warming to energy shortages – South Asia cannot afford another battleground. Especially not one over water, the most basic, life-giving resource of all. Pakistan and India both emerged from the trauma of colonialism with dreams of freedom, prosperity, and dignity. The founders of both nations envisioned nations at peace with themselves and their neighbours. The Indus Waters Treaty is a living embodiment of that original hope – battered, bruised, but not yet broken. Suspending cooperation on water is not a display of strength; it is an act of collective self-destruction. The Indus does not belong to only one country. It belongs to the millions who live by its banks, who pray for its monsoon rains, who toil under the sun to coax life from its soil. It belongs to the children who deserve a future where water is a source of life, not death. It is time to listen to the river – and to reason. The writer is working as a researcher and can be reached at sheeba.asad @yahoo.com