Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif, who has been active on the political scene of Pakistan for more than four decades, is believed to be heading towards retirement. However, those who know him closely assert otherwise. They maintain that Nawaz Sharif is not stepping back but rather manoeuvring behind the scenes to advance with even greater strength than before. Nawaz Sharif, who started public politics as the provincial finance minister in the cabinet of Governor Punjab Lt. Gen. Ghulam Jilani Khan in 1981, is known for making thoughtful and calculated political decisions. He is the kind of individual who, when talking, doesn’t reveal much through words or facial expressions about whether he agrees or disagrees with the person in front of him. Yet, there are subtle cues. If he switches topics during a conversation, it probably means he doesn’t agree. Conversely, if he recommends, “You should meet Dar Sahib,” it indicates that the speaker has successfully convinced him. Nawaz Sharif’s politics and personality both show remarkable flexibility. He makes thoughtful decisions and steps forward cautiously in the political arena. What’s interesting is that despite his roots in the establishment, he soon established himself as a strong advocate for democracy. Beginning his career as Punjab’s Finance Minister in 1981, he later assumed the role of Pakistan’s Prime Minister in 1991. The biggest project of Nawaz Sharif’s 43-year political career is considered to be the motorway, for which he rightfully credits himself. As the leader of PML-N, Nawaz Sharif made surprising decisions that often left his opponents astonished. He faced challenges boldly, skillfully changing the course of the game when necessary. If politics embodies twists and turns, then Nawaz Sharif has epitomised this notion since 1981. He collaborated with those who sought to prevent the rise of the unparalleled Bhutto, supporting the formation of the IJI. In the 1991 general elections, he successfully impeded Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi’s path to victory and compelled Mohammad Khan Junejo to accept him as the head of the IJI. Nawaz Sharif, who once rallied to advance General Zia-ul-Haq’s mission, eventually found himself signing the “Charter of Democracy” with Benazir Bhutto when circumstances demanded. For years, he remained Bhutto’s political rival, but upon hearing of her tragic demise in a terrorist attack, he joined mourners at Rawalpindi’s General Hospital, shedding tears alongside Bhutto’s supporters. An intriguing aspect is that Nawaz Sharif stands out as the only individual in Pakistan’s history who exercised the authority to appoint the most army chiefs. Beginning with General Asif Nawaz Janjua in 1991, followed by General Wahid Kakar in 1993, General Pervez Musharraf in 1998, General Raheel Sharif in 2016, and General Qamar Javed Bajwa in 2016, Nawaz Sharif’s tenure saw the selection of these pivotal military figures. He not only utilized this authority in selecting them but also found himself at odds with some of these appointed army chiefs during his tenure. Critics of Nawaz Sharif often use the argument that if Nawaz Sharif’s era is removed from Pakistan’s 76-year history, only a few upheavals and some martial laws remain. Supporters of Nawaz Sharif use this point as a rationale to advocate for his cause. They argue that if Nawaz Sharif’s era is erased, only a few disturbances and sporadic martial laws define the country’s history. Furthermore, Nawaz Sharif’s second term in government cannot overlook the aspect that if Pervez Musharraf had not undertaken the coup and if Nawaz Sharif had succeeded in advancing Pakistan’s friendship and trade relations with India, perhaps the region’s history might have taken a different turn today. The biggest project of Nawaz Sharif’s 43-year political career is considered to be the motorway, for which he rightfully credits himself. However, following 1991, notable advancements were achieved in the telecommunications sector. The 1998 nuclear explosions stand as a significant accolade in Nawaz Sharif’s political career, yet it raises a question about the decision’s correctness. Time has revealed that the key to national security lies not just in nuclear capability but in maintaining a robust economy. Nawaz Sharif’s political life can be aptly labelled as “Power Politics.” He pursued the acquisition of power through any means and in any manner. All his decisions in the recent past further serve as evidence of this style of politics. As an opposition leader, Nawaz Sharif has not only refrained from adopting an assertive stance but it would be fitting to say that he does not seem to comprehend the tactics of opposition politics. In comparison, Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif’s biggest rival in the current era, does not subscribe to the same style of power politics. Even when Imran Khan sat in the Prime Minister’s House, he was often perceived as practising container politics, and after resigning from the government in April 2022, he brought the same energetic approach to opposition politics. This vibrant and dynamic approach has never been witnessed in Nawaz Sharif’s personality. Nawaz Sharif showed the ability to work together with MQM, Baloch politicians, Pakhtun and Muhajir political leaders, and Jamaat-e-Islami, JUI, all for the sake of power. He became known as a skilled player in international politics when he signed the “Charter of Democracy” with Benazir Bhutto while in London. Seen as an emblem of traditional politics in the subcontinent, Nawaz Sharif’s political career has consistently revolved around his family. He groomed his brother as his potential successor and now his beloved daughter has entered the political arena, inheriting her father’s political legacy. His most trusted friend and political ally is Ishaq Dar, who is also the father-in-law of his younger daughter. When Nawaz Sharif was the Prime Minister, the last sentence after every important meeting was, “Dar Sahib, Ay zara dekh lena” (Dar Sahib, Have a look at this). The writer is a veteran journalist based in Islamabad. He writes on social, political, economic, defence and strategic developments across the South Asian region. He can be reached through on zm.journalist@gmail.com