In the wake of last week’s article, I found myself confronted by two recurring questions: what are we to make of the Chinese support that came as soon as our Foreign minister landed in Beijing; and can we recover from where we are today? The first is easily enough answered. At the core of suzerainty lies the concept of having to go begging to your Suzerain before he finds it in him to be benevolent. If only it were so easy to respond to the second. But alas and alack, I feel this merits a lengthier musing. Allow me to first begin by saying that I have never been in favour of military takeovers. Indeed back in 1985, Gen Zia moved to legitimise his presidency with the following ultimatum that went something like this: those who believe in Islamic governance must vote me into office for another five years. As a young Lt Col at the time, all I knew was that I didn’t wish to do as the good general had demanded. But then what to do? Swallowing hard, I wrote to my superiors, informing them that if forced to vote, I would be casting a negative ballot. In short, I was fully prepared to sign off on my career then and there. To my superiors’ utmost credit, they let me stay on. And by the time Musharraf’s turn came to partially leave the barracks for the presidency, I had just retired and had assumed the position of Vice President of the Islamabad Policy Research Institute. My oft quoted comment about him from that time was this: “He certainly seems sincere but the pertinent question is not what he is today — but what he will be three years hence.” Proceeded by the rampant corruption of the Zardari era, the three years of uncertainty characterised by the Sharif era, during which Imran Khan demonstrated the chaos he could wreak if he so wished, many of my more courageous and decisive friends, began to hopefully discuss the possibilities of a military takeover. Yet still did I stubbornly persist in my reluctance to see the country dragged down this path once more. But now do I see the abyss and the brink of which we stand today. Perhaps it is too late. But the time has come to keep all options on the table. For if not now, then when? And I say this not privately. No, the time for that has gone. Thus let me state what I have to, loudly and clearly, for all to consider as dispassionately as they can. Or tear me to pieces if they so prefer. So, my response to the second question is, quite simply, yes. Everything short of death can be recovered. But. This is where the devil always lies, in the buts. Thus can Pakistan recover, even from here. But to do so we need an incredibly strong person at the helm. Someone who loves this country sufficiently to sacrifice his or her person for it. Someone who will not just take unpalatable and un-politic, ugly even, decisions and assume responsibility for them — but also to deconstruct this sham democracy that cripples us. Someone who will govern for a specified period and not beyond. Someone who will rebuild our socio-politico-economic pillars with the prevalence of equality of justice always firmly at the fore. Thus from the above, does it become clear that irrespective of the process by which such an individual comes to power — the nature of that rule will, out of necessity, be dictatorial. And we needed that person the day before yesterday. Which means that today is already late. As I see it, the problem is this: there is no such individual ready to loom large on our political horizon. That is not to necessarily say that there is none. One could very well be ensconced among even this sorry lot. Yet if none is easily identified — then our distorted, corrupt and unjust political system is unlikely to offer us a leader in the true sense of the word. Democracy or no democracy. In other words, not only will the rule of this certain someone be dictatorial — he or she will have to assume or be granted power through undemocratic means. But who could or would be willing to take on this role? In Pakistan, only one institution has been known to have the wherewithal to sweep in and seize political power: the Army. And each time this happened, apart from the glorious Ayub Khan years, it has wrought nothing but havoc, fuelled as it has been by the quest for self-perpetuating rule In a country like Pakistan, only one institution has been known to have the wherewithal to sweep in and seize political power: the Army. And each time this happened, apart from the glorious Ayub Khan years (1958-1963), it has wrought nothing but havoc, fuelled as it has been by the quest for self-perpetuating rule. This resulted in nepotism at the national level, promoting cronies on the basis of loyalty to, perhaps a particular Army chief, rather than on military capability and leadership within the Army and without. From Ayub’s nepotism to Zia’s pandering to the religious right to Musharraf’s corrupting of senior military officers in terms of post-retirement job prospects — what we have seen is a steady yet inevitable decline in the notion of collective self-determination. Indeed, were it not for the sheer calibre of our junior and mid-level military leadership, we might have by now sunk to hopeless new depths. However, there is a way around this. What if the tenure of military power was fixed at the outset, say five years? This surely would deal with the problem of an endless clinging to power. And if the military leadership could find someone to whom they could entrust this onerous burden — either among retired soldiers or civilians — this would go more than some way to preventing repeated instances of military misrule. Yet, as with most things, there is a caveat. If whomsoever takes up the challenge by way of another military intervention turns out to be as pusillanimous as all the military men who have gone before — then our fate will not only have been sealed, but duly precipitated. This may or may not lead to the nation’s salvation. But make no mistake. If it doesn’t, then we are doomed. Finally, if such a path is to be once again embarked upon — we need to come up with a charter outlining duties, priorities as well as future direction. A return to justice, for example, may be the first priority of a long, long list. Today’s world is a conflicting mix of uncertainties, where change remains the only constant. If a military strongman were to come out of the wings to take centre stage and steer this country in the right direction — I would wish the poor misbegotten soul a tremendous amount of luck as well as, if I may be so bold, a word or two of advice. Gird up your loins, the time for war is here. And may it be one that saves Pakistan. The writer is a retired brigadier. He is also former vice president and founder of the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) Published in Daily Times, September 12th 2017.