Tribal uprisings occurred after the accession of Balochistan to Pakistan. On the other hand, some sardars held high positions in the government.
The Mengal and Marri tribes remained in the forefront of such uprisings, until Nawab Akbar Bugti’s assassination by the Musharraf regime forced the Bugtis into the rebel camp. The government of Pakistan responded with armed action against the armed uprisings. It happened before and during Ayub Khan’s times. Afterwards, the biggest army action took place during Bhutto’s government and continued for five years. General Rahimuddin in Zia’s time dealt with them with a very firm hand. Rahimuddin’s unprecedented long rule (1978–84) prevented any further armed uprisings within the province with an iron fist. His complete isolation of Baloch sardars from the formation of any provincial policy was a move that over time gained increasing controversy due to the unusual nature of Rahimuddin’s style of governance. Rahimuddin went out of his way to isolate them from any position of provincial power, and tried to appease the common masses of the province by promoting economic growth.
This, in retrospect, ultimately led to the most ‘stable’ period Balochistan has ever witnessed after partition. In retrospect, however, it proved the lull before fresh storms. In Musharraf’s tenure, armed action restarted. In an article recently published the retired general writes: “There is no doubt Balochistan is the most backward and deprived province of Pakistan. Successive governments since our independence are responsible for their share of neglect…An anti-Pakistan, anti-Army and anti-FC sentiment was planted and gradually nourished specially in the Bugtis, Marris and Mengals. Some effort that was made in the 1970s to open the area with communication infrastructure was strongly opposed and denied by the Marris. What is the demand of Balochistan? Basically, they demand maximum autonomy and an appropriate share of earnings from their natural resources. Both demands are genuine…More could be and should be done. Their major requirement, however, is socio-economic development. My governance from 1999 started with a complete realisation of the sense of deprivation of Balochistan and a resolve to correct the situation.”
The situation was somewhat different in Musharraf’s time. Musharraf opted for massive developments in Balochistan, like the establishment of Gwadar port, the 750 km-long coastal highway linking Gwadar to Karachi, the 950 km-long road from Gwadar to Rato Dero in Sindh, linking the port to the Super Highway, RCD Highway and National Highway. He also made massive developments in education and provided Rs 10,000 to each graduate.
However, Akbar Bugti’s death reversed all this. Bugti’s death was quickly publicised as an assassination by Musharraf, and the tribes started to unite. The efforts were spearheaded by a descendent of the Khan of Kalat. A very interesting account of this effort is contained in an article (mentioned in the previous part of this series in Daily Times, April 14, 2012), published in the western press by Annie Nocenti, a journalist and screenwriter titled “A Call to Resistance: The Khan of Kalat Gathers the Tribes”. In this article Nocenti gives an eyewitness account of how Mir Suleiman Daud, the grandson of the Khan of Kalat, is busy developing a continuous uprising, and his connections with journalists like Selig Harrison and some American lobbyists.
(Concluded)
The writer is a culture and media management specialist, a researcher, director and author. He is also a Vice-President and Punjab General Secretary of the All Pakistan Muslim League (APML)