Election 2013 may not have brought a sweeping change but there are discernible changes in the way people expressed their opinion when they were allowed to do so with relative freedom and the record numbers that voted. For the first time the electorate has punished poor performance by rejecting the parties of the last ruling alliance and defeating many a stalwart in the process. Barring Karachi and probably Hyderabad, where large scale rigging is alleged, there are complaints of selective rigging in Punjab and the Balochistan scene is murky. Otherwise, this has been a free election whose fairness will be determined upon how the Election Commission deals with the serious complaints. A hitherto unknown party, Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), has emerged as the second largest party; it will probably form a government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and it has also established a reasonable vote bank countrywide. Surely the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) has had much to reflect and much to learn since its illegal overthrow in 1999. The party has been in the wilderness for long and Mian brothers have undergone a painful exile. All this must have brought about changes, hopefully for the better. The number of serious crises the country faces today almost on all fronts are daunting, to say the least, and Mian Nawaz Sharif will be wearing a crown of thorns as the next prime Minister, and therefore, he needs to tread carefully but decisively on all issues. The misrule of the last 25 years, particularly of the last 10, has squeezed the last drops of blood of the country politically, economically and socially. The common people are impoverished, there are divisions within. This situation requires that the PML-N makes well-considered decisions; it should not commit the mistakes of its past governments and face each challenge with a set plan, which is coordinated with and ties up to an overall central plan. Some of the past mistakes that need to be avoided include the tendency to create confrontations with major institutions such as the judiciary, the establishment and the media. Mr Sharif has demonstrated his commitment for the independence and respect of the judiciary during the last few years, it is expected that the same attitude will continue while in power. We hope that a policy of discussion and persuasion will be followed to create trust, harmony and respect with other institutions. The PML-N is accused of overlooking the needs and requirements of the other three provinces and concentrating mostly on Punjab’s development. For instance, the Lahore to Islamabad Motorway is considered an adventurous project with little economic value. This money could have been well spent on less prestigious and more needed projects. During the election rhetoric one heard plans of various large projects, which creates the impression that the penchant for adventure is still alive. Some also point out that entrepreneurs from the Punjab were favoured for projects in the past. This label will become more prominent since the party’s victory is almost entirely based on the seats obtained in the Punjab, and the three smaller provinces will probably be ruled by other parties. In order to secure the Federation, it will be necessary to dispel such thinking by demonstrating not just evenhandedness but actually being generous to the smaller provinces as poverty, unemployment and illiteracy are much higher in all three of them as compared to Punjab. Confidence-building and closing the credibility gap by actions and deeds are essential for Pakistan’s success. The major challenges facing the incoming government are the complete breakdown in law and order and the large scale presence of all types of militias creating perpetual violence, the collapse of the economy and the immediate need to find short-term solutions while medium and long-term plans are developed, to find solutions to the energy shortage, to combat illiteracy, to evolve a policy to deal with the Taliban and the Tehreek-e-Pakistan, to deal with the US on drones, to develop foreign policy initiatives keeping in view US departure from Afghanistan in 2014 and also for negotiations with India. The unchecked growth of mafia, proliferation of arms and creation of clandestine extremist organisations since the 1980s in collusion with a corrupt and inept police force and some major political parties has made the rule of law redundant. These facts are known, the criminals are known, their protectors are known but no action has seriously been taken to eliminate this deadly disease that is constantly gnawing away at the vitals of the country. Be it the sectarian violence perpetrated by the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi or the social crimes and oppression of the feudal in the rural areas, all are committed with the assistance of local police and other security agencies. Same is the case for the persecution of minorities. For the last 25 years Karachi is hostage to such crimes. It is public knowledge that the political parties that have continuously been part of successive Sindh governments are directly involved in the mayhem. If we allow the country’s commercial pulse to be paralysed how can we persuade foreigners to invest? Or if we refuse to eliminate extremists who kill and maim Shias what kind of justice are we providing? Islam demands justice and protection for all subjects regardless of creed or class. And so does the international community; imagine the image of lawlessness, violence, failure of governments to protect the people, an unending insurgency in Balochistan and its almost permanent occupation by the military. All this can be solved, the people expect that the 2013 election will help eradicate the mafia and extremists and establish the rule of law and also find a permanent solution to Balochistan by negotiation. The incoming government must recognise that without eliminating these serious internal issues all its efforts on the economic front cannot bring the required results. Our most serious challenge is the free fall of the economy, abysmal GDP growth at three percent, record levels of deficit financing, high Inflation, high unemployment and a mountain of debt. Illiteracy knows no bounds, the rupee is on a constant slide and the irresponsible spending spree of the notorious Zardari government supported by the reckless printing of notes has created a dangerous situation.. The other serious issue is the repayment of the IMF loan installment that is almost due and negotiations for further support are inevitable. Is this not a familiar scenario? Have we not been at the edge of a precipice before? Always the begging bowl. It is a fact that the Pakistani economy has never taken off, it has failed to broaden the base of development and create large scale businesses and industries or to attract meaningful foreign investment, and as a consequence, it has most importantly failed to provide jobs, healthcare, education and a dignified life to more than 90 percent of its people. Therefore, it certainly qualifies to be ranked as a failed economy over the last 60 years, as it never attempted to fulfil the requirements of the masses, at best it worked in the short-term interests of the ruling classes and the visionless business community. Building a strong economic base has never been our priority, the ruling classes have been preoccupied with protecting and supporting the quasi feudal base and deliberately neglecting education of the populace. Existence of feudalism and lack of education are the death knell of the economy. You will have to change this if you want economic prosperity. (To be continued) The writer is a businessman and a former chairman of the National Textile Foundation. He can be reached at fsumar@cyber.net.pk