Beyond Zarb-e-Azb

Operation Zarb-e-Azb, aimed at “eliminating terrorists regardless of hue and colour”, in the Inter-Services Public Relation’s (ISPR’s) words, is finally underway in North Waziristan Agency. Apparently, the army’s avowal that “in coordination with other state institutions and law enforcement agencies, these enemies of the state will be denied space anywhere across the country” was also not braggadocio. A targeted operation in Islamabad has been launched by the police and rangers with army troops on standby to eliminate terrorist sleeper cells and sanctuaries.
Pakistan has paid a very heavy price for not nipping terrorism in the bud in the form of massive loss of life and property, stunted economic growth, shrunken space for dialogue, polarisation and radicalisation of society, deterioration of its global image, weakening of the state and addition of the fear factor in the lives of Pakistanis. This list is far from exhaustive. Had it not been for the lethargic response of the state to the threat of terrorism when the early signs surfaced, the situation would have been a lot better and an operation of such scale would not have been needed. However, better late than never.
This operation, however, is no catholicon. Its success will only provide the state with the much-needed space and time by eliminating the immediate threat in which it can act to lay the foundations of a comprehensive long-term solution. The solution must be comprehensive enough to cater to the multitude of reasons that contribute to the rise of terrorism, with an extremely narrow interpretation of religion atop the list. It is about time the state changes its policy of sidestepping its responsibility of maintaining oversight when it comes to religious education and institutions. What to teach in the name of religion is a decision the state has historically left entirely to the clergy. Resultantly, thousands of madrassas (seminaries) run by organisations and individuals, mostly with strong sectarian orientation, have sprung up across the country, indoctrinating students with self-righteousness and exclusivist ideologies at a very young age. These students, with little or no broad-based education to enable them to communicate constructively with the world, not only continue to hold their exclusivist ideologies but also start propagating the same using their position of prayer leaders.
Both the madrassa and the mosque, the places they catch and propagate these ideologies from, are totally unregulated. This model needs to be completely changed. The institution of madrassa has to be totally eliminated. Instead, necessary religious education should be included in the regular course of studies. Specialised religious education should be allowed only after having first completed at least 12 years of broad-based education. The seat of learning for such specialised studies also is a university, not a madrassa run by half-literate clerics. The curriculum, however, can be revised to make up for current deficiencies.
Similarly, the mosque also needs to be regulated. Prior approval of local authorities must be sought before a new mosque is constructed and all prayer leaders should be appointed by the government after a due process of verification. Also, their activities should be monitored by a body to be constituted for regulating religious affairs. This is easier said than done. A lot of opposition will come to such reforms but the government will have to hold its ground firm if it is serious in slamming the door shut on religious terrorism. This may also not go down well with some liberals’ idea of the extent to which the state should be involved in religious matters but the alternative — the one that is currently in vogue — is far more dangerous.
The unregulated realm of religion is the chief cause of the terrorism that Pakistan has borne the brunt of but it is not the sole reason. There are social, political and economic reasons too. A comprehensive solution therefore must also entail all these dimensions.
On the social side, the state must strive hard to win back the trust it has lost among the masses by never quite trying to alleviate the plight of a common citizen. One of the reasons many are attracted to the terrorists are utopias propounded by them in which swift justice is done. It is currently next to impossible to have access to justice for a common man in Pakistan. The two departments that are in dire need of a complete overhaul in this connection are the police and the lower judiciary. Both these departments are generally incompetent, venal and unscrupulous due to non-meritorious hiring, lack of resources and training, and political interference. Institutional autonomy and allocation of resources can help cure their evils. On the political front, devolution of powers to the smallest administrative units is the need of the hour. This will help redress a general feeling of deprivation prevailing in many areas of the country that diminishes people’s loyalty to the state, rendering them prone to rebellion. In the economic dimension, special focus is needed on developing the rural economy. For too long the government has focused on the macro industrial model of development, which has not quite paid off. The focus needs to shift to more egalitarian policies.
All of this sounds very sweet but it is a very tough solution to implement. It will take a lot of political resolve and rising above prejudices, which we do not see much of in Pakistan. However, if we are to survive as a nation, our leaders will have to rise to this challenge. Otherwise, after religious terrorism, we will be at the receiving end of ethnic and other types of conflict too. This is already in the making.

The author is a freelance writer