In a sense, the Faisalabad PTI and PML-N mob violence defies explanation. All mob violence does. When attempting to explain it, there is no way to predict what may have triggered the violence. The most important feature of a collective behaviour phenomenon, especially violent protests, is that they are spontaneous and essentially unpredictable, as are rare events. This best explains the escalation of violence in the aftermath of the PTI party worker shooting: members of the mob felt threatened and reacted violently to preserve themselves. Groups of PTI and PML-N workers assembled in Faisalabad because they were emotional and angry about something, and it only took one act of violence to turn the crowd into a fury. Others followed the initial protestors’ lead and began destroying property and hurting people. A lot of research has been conducted into the mindset of a violent mob. Being part of a group can destroy people’s inhibitions, making them do things they otherwise would not. They lose their individual values and principles, and adopt the group’s principles, which can lead to destruction and also help avoid detection. This standard can seem to be a just and righteous one seeing that the PTI mob assembled after an act of perceived inequality or unfairness and their shared emotions made the cause seem even more important. Being in the midst of a mob can be exciting and also powerful, and it can make people feel invisible; as part of a huge group they will not be detected or held responsible for their actions. The mob mentality phenomenon has occurred throughout human history, whether we look at witch burnings, religious zealotry, political protests or reactions to perceived racial micro-aggressions. A lone wolf may howl at you but it is more likely that the pack will attack you. We are not exempt from that behaviour just because we are human and not canine. As humans, we have instincts that are exacerbated by group influences. What we might not do as individuals we may do as part of a group. People may lose control of their usual inhibitions, as their mentality becomes that of the group. If the group behaviour is violent, the larger the group the more magnified the violence. The shutter down protest on December 8, 2014 confirms the convergence theory, which argues that the behaviour of a crowd is not an emergent property of the crowd, but is a result of like-minded individuals coming together. If it turns violent, it is not because the crowd encouraged violence but rather the people wanted it to be violent and came together in a crowd. Mob violence, including fighting, typically ignites with little planning. Many who joined the PTI or PML-N in the Faisalabad demonstrations were young people attracted to the excitement and lure of defying authority. A small percentage of hardened criminals was also seen, who had an important role to play in instigating unbridled lawlessness and setting the stage for chaos. Mob violence and mayhem is not a solitary act by its definition and it diminishes the sense of being accountable for all the fire and blood on the streets. Every individual violent protestor in Faisalabad on December 8, 2014 looked around and saw the person next to him throwing a stone or brick, beating and chasing opponents, and waving sticks with little resistance from the authorities. This brutal atmosphere and mentality spread like wildfire among the PTI or PML-N workers whom, I believe, were thrill seeking opportunists. This had a ripple effect and, in very little time, violence perpetuated in other cities and provinces when the media and public authorities explained the situation as one of “anger” and “resentment” by both PTI and PML-N political party workers. The mob violence seen in Faisalabad equated with the call for protest from their party leaders and was motivated by a quest for political change. Diehard party workers willing to risk their safety, by assembly and protest, were evolved enough to know that they would gain nothing for their cause by destroying property and closing shops and bazaars that serve their communities. But they did it, even when they were advised not to do so. One person lost his life and a second PTI worker is missing or dead. I wish they could recall that the figure that stood in front of a tank in Tiananmen Square risked his own self against the military. He and his compatriots did not destroy local businesses and attack others indiscriminately. Fundamental to eliminating mob violence is to first identify it as a crime, rather than a simple political phenomenon. That responsibility rests upon elected leaders, community leaders, parents, mass media and the police. A brutal police force is not the solution. The media should emphasise the vulnerability and pathos of those victimised by random mob violence and the forced shutter down appeals. From the young PTI support worker who was pummeled into an untimely death, to the friendly shop owner whose premises were destroyed, all are vivid examples of the senseless byproducts of mob violence. The mass media can be particularly effective in igniting empathy for these unfortunate victims of circumstance and in mobilising public outrage towards those who disrupt the daily order. Along with such focus from the mass media, local communities need to reject violence and depict it as a shame to the community and as repulsive behaviour that embarrasses them. If this rejection is voiced loud and clear in mosques, schools and among neighbours, the police and public officials can leverage such societal morals by exposing anti-social elements in society. As many of the protesters are young, identifying the political parties from which they originate is psychologically sound. To do so does not cause prejudice; the general public knows what is going on and is not fooled by political correctness. The phenomenon of mob mentality may be the trigger that transforms a peaceful crowd into a violent one. As the community of Faisalabad struggled to maintain peace on its streets, mob violence instituted blood on the streets. Police were patrolling in armoured vehicles using water cannons and baton-charged the people who refused to disperse. The town attempted to avoid the kind of violence and mayhem that had previously occurred following the showdown of the police force with the Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) in the Model Town, Lahore incident. Mobs are the elephant man of the social sciences. They are viewed as something strange, something pathological and something monstrous. At the same time they are viewed with awe and fascination. However, above all, they are considered to be something distinct. We may choose to join and view them occasionally as a distraction from the business of everyday life, but they are separate from that business and tell us little or nothing about normal political and psychological realities. The second obvious feature of mob phenomena is that they are not only shaped by society but that they, in turn, can bring about political change in society. The writer is a professor of Psychiatry and consultant Forensic Psychiatrist in the UK. He can be contacted at fawad_shifa@yahoo.com