It was my first semester at the School of Political and International Relations (SPIR), Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, when late Sir Imran Hameed familiarised us with the term ‘drangnachosten’. It means ‘move to the east’; it was the intention of the Nazi Germany to invade eastern Europe in the late 1930s. Recently, Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s ‘Azadi March’ may be likened to that of drangnachosten to ‘invade’ Islamabad and to render his party and him relevant at the political chessboard.
After the terrible defeat in the last general elections, Maulana Fazlur Rehman became irrelevant in politics. There has been hardly a time since Maulana joined mainstream politics that he has not been part of a government dispensation. This situation certainly pains and irritates him because Maulana has a long-established desire that his name should be in the list of prime ministers of Pakistan. He has indeed left no stone unturned to make that happen; nevertheless, it has not yet materialised. This time he even lost his seat from his home constituency, thus rendering him irrelevant in national politics.
In order to press a reset button and to re-emerge, Maulana saheb had earlier made significant overtures, but all failed. Maulana convinced the PPP and the PML-N that if he was supported in the Senate to dethrone Chairman Sadiq Sanjrani, their alliance could kill two birds with one stone. Firstly, it was to show the Imran Khan government that if they were able to replace the chairman of Senate, they might consider a no-confidence motion in the National Assembly. Secondly, it was to send a clear message to the establishment that their nominee for chairmanship could be replaced, and they have that leverage. That failed move has dejected not only the JUI-F but also the cadres of PPP and PML-N
Indeed, that failed move created estranged relations between the JUI-F and PML-N. Maulana assured these two mainstream parties that he had a solid plan to unseat Chairman Sanjrani, along with fulfilling their objectives. That strategy included persuading Mir Hazil Khan Bizanjo to be ready to replace Sadiq Sanjrani. The logic behind that was that Sanjrani was accepted because he hailed from Balochistan, and thus the establishment would not be offended. Secondly, the trio would be taking revenge from Imran Khan for his vow to put behind bars the allegedly corrupt politicians. As PPP and PML-N leaders are already in jails, this motivated the parties to jump on Maulana’s bandwagon, assuming it would add to Khan’s insecurity as he has a thin majority in the National Assembly. Thirdly, it was to give a message to the establishment that they needed Maulana and others of his ilk.
That failed attempt created rifts between Maulana, and PPP and PML-N because keeping in view the numbers he assured them of placing Bizanjo on the chairman Senate seat. PPP and PML-N complained that they already had a fragile relationship with the establishment, and the latest failure would further complicate the situation between them. This time around the positions of the PPP and PML-N are not clear as to what extent they would stand by Maulana in Islamabad. Maulana is hell-bent on reaching Islamabad.
The high-powered committee, established under the leadership of Pervez Khattak, should make all possible efforts to convince the JUI-F and other leaders for a peaceful settlement of issues
We are living in very strange times. Recently, a video clip was doing the rounds on social media that showed JUI-F cadres practising in the Indus that in case the powers that be blocked the roads, they would swim across the Indus to arrive in Islamabad. Another video showed Maulana receiving a guard of honour.
It is upsetting to see such an attempt to oust the Khan government just to create space for oneself by exploiting sensitive issues. Ostensibly, Maulana would seek resignation from the prime minster on the allegation that the prime minister is working on a foreign agenda sponsored by Zionists. Other sensitive religious issues would also be used. PPP and PML-N will be asking for resignation because the PM is ‘selected’ and the mandate was stolen from them. It is common to shift the blame on others rather than to accept defeat. A mature political culture of accepting defeat and to analyse underlying causes of failure is yet to develop in Pakistan.
The Maulana-led march is bound to end to up a disaster. The so-called Azadi March does not have a clear agenda as Maulana and other parties have divergent viewpoints. Lack of agreement shows that neither the Azadi March can be sustainable for long nor do these leaders have strong spines now. October 27is the Black Day for Kashmiris, and it is utterly foolish to spearhead the Azadi March at the time when Kashmiris are under a lockdown and the danger of war is looming large.
It is good to see that the government has shunned its usual stubborn attitude and is willing to negotiate with the march leaders. The high-powered committee, which has been established under the leadership of Pervez Khattak, should make all possible efforts to convince the JUI-F and other leaders for a peaceful settlement of issues. All justified demands, if any, should be accepted. An intra-parliamentary committee, having inclusive representation, should be set up for overseeing the implementation of the legitimate demands.
The government should also not only negotiate with them but also provide them a dignified exit, and must not humiliate them. The Azadi March organisers must realise that neither the economy can sustain a march nor the external security challenges allow that. It is time to abandon the plans for drangnoche Islamabad just for the sake of political relevance. It would save further damage to the country.
The writer is a development sector practitioner