In Pakistan, what we know of the current tide in India is very familiar to us in essence. Intolerance and ridiculous political logic for defending extremism have been shared on both sides of the border, no matter what religion is under consideration. Where there is Shiv Sena in India, we have had our movements against minorities here, like the anti-Ahmedi movement led by Majlis-e-Ahrar and the Khatme Nabuwat movement, which resulted in mass scale riots. The findings of the Justice Munir Report on the riots in 1953 was that no one could describe the word Muslim as everybody had their own definition of it. The report warned of religious extremism taking root but it was largely ignored by the state back then. No policy was taken to take the perpetrators to task because there was never any intention or vision to do so. In fact, ceding to the demands of extremists, Pakistan signed a death warrant against Ahmedis in 1974 by legally declaring them non-Muslims and actually criminalising their belief under General Ziaul Haq’s regime. There we have one example, out of many, of how laws have been moulded to suit the interests of religious fundamentalists for political reasons. Society, which was generally more peaceful and tolerant up to the 1970s, was fed extremist ideologies, and it has paid off. Intolerance has spread uncontrollably to all parts of the country. With emboldened blasphemy laws and loose surveillance of predicted mob activities, society in general has radicalised to a large extent. The role of secret agencies in igniting sectarian intolerance can also not be ignored. The authorities feel ill-equipped to counter the monster Pakistan has created by giving in to the demands of the fascists. The political map here has been shaped with outright condemnation of secular values. Yet, despite the negatives here, there is an air of raised awareness against extremism. The state is finally realising the need to develop a counter strategy to target extremists. But it will require a lot more to do it. Take the example of Maulana Sherani, an MNA of a far right religious party, the JUI-F, currently chairing the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), who wants controversial religious issues to be determined on the CII forum. These issues consist of considering Ahmedi Muslims as murtids (apostates), to impose a religious tax on non-Muslims and to determine which Muslim sect falls under the ambit of Islam. Luckily, Sherani is unable to exert his outright bigotry, as his colleagues refuse to be part of something that can provoke and justify more murders in the name of Islam. However, what is noticeable is that no one in the state’s machinery has shown the courage to apprehend the maulana for his potentially violent views. This inability of the state is what has led to the crumbling values of coexistence in society. There is only hope left for Pakistan to come out of its cycle of hate. Comparison against hate and bigotry cannot be simply drawn between India and Pakistan, given the different dynamics and infiltration of religious hardline views into the social mindset. Like Islamic religious nationalism thrives in Pakistan, India too has faced, time and again, a rise in Hindu nationalism that has led to the idea of exclusivity and the state under Narendra Modi, is unable to tackle the issue. In India, fascist parties like Shiv Sena and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) are not only threatening Muslims and minorities but also Hindus who belong to low castes and who have liberal values. Pakistan-centric sentiments are being propagated by the nationalists and are attacking economic, cultural and artistic ties between India and Pakistan. Recently, Pakistani writers, actors and singers have been threatened by Hindu nationalists. Pakistan’s former foreign minister, Khurshid Kasuri, faced resistance against his book launch ceremony in India. A prominent classical singer, Ghulam Ali, had to cancel his tour to India to perform amid threats. Recently, two Pakistani actors have been cautioned against working in Bollywood. ‘Cricket diplomacy’ also suffered cracks when Shiv Sena activists stormed the cricket board to stop a meeting with the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) chairman. A Pakistani umpire, Aleem Dar, was threatened. Such acts are building seriously negative effects in the region. Violence is justified by the religio-political parties, as we have seen how in mob rage an innocent man was killed over allegations of consuming beef. The police, instead of condemning the killing of the man, sent the meat samples to a laboratory to see whether it was beef or mutton. Though it turned out to be mutton, would it have mattered if it were beef? What is happening in India has the potential of a backlash in Pakistan where Hindus represent two percent of the total minorities. Though there has been no direct threat to Hindu communities, there are concerns of sentiments being raised against them with the media constantly showing Muslim persecution in India. The Hindu communities here remain cautious and hope that the state will take preventive measures to keep them safe. There are lessons to be learnt from stories we see of religious intolerance and extremism in our part of the world. Religious intolerance represents the social structures that have been inculcated with religious nationalism, like we see in Pakistan where the legal framework for minorities is generally regressive. Religious extremism is when violence is directed against groups or individuals for their beliefs, a case we see in both India and Pakistan. What only makes India and Pakistan different from one another is their laws; in Pakistan’s case, the laws allow for further exploitation of minorities whereas in India there are secular laws yet extremism has grown manifold there. It makes one wonder whether it is the laws that can change the dynamics of society or whether it is the social mindset that dominates these laws. A clear understanding of this can bring a state to adopt better policies so as to curb the prevailing intolerant mindset. The writer is a freelance columnist and may be contacted at zeeba.hashmi@gmail.com