Pakistan’s establishment has historically used Islamist groups to strengthen the country’s anti-India narrative. Yet with the current re-positioning towards our eastern neighbour, which seemingly happened overnight, one question remains: what will the state do with the deeply entrenched clerics?
Prime Minister Imran Khan is under immense pressure. Firstly, his government has been strongly criticised over its failure to anticipate the Indian annexation of Jammu and Kashmir back in 2019. Since then, the regime has shown no urgency in trying to resolve the issue, aside from expelling the Indian High Commissioner and threatening to cut trade ties.
Secondly, the TLP (Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan) confronted the state and demanded the expulsion of the French ambassador over recent ‘blasphemous’ cartoons. The ruling PTI initially stood firm, asserting that France was a major financial investor in the country and that sending diplomats packing in this way would ultimately hurt Pakistan and leave it isolated. Yet in order to appease the TLP, the PM agreed to have the matter debated before the National Assembly.
Imran Khan is playing a risky game. Does he not know that the TLP is a largely Barelvi party and that its core ideology revolves around the finality of the the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) as well as the protection of Pakistan’s blasphemy laws? There is no compromise with this group. In fact, the TLP, founded by the late firebrand cleric Khadim Rizvi, has demonstrated once again that it is a force to be reckoned with, not least because it entered into negotiations with the state after the government ban.
Banning TLP won’t solve the problem of rising religious extremism since many proscribed outfits reappear under new names. SSP has now reinvented itself and holds seat in the Punjab Assembly, forming part of the PTI coalition
There is more to the TLP than mere street power. Given that the blasphemy laws are fiercely defended by the masses in Pakistan, the group has been able secure popular support across several constituencies. During the 2018 elections, the TLP bagged over 2.2 million votes, mainly from the Punjab where it emerged as the third largest party behind the PTI and PMLN. It also won two seats in the Sindh Assembly, making the result an unusual one for an Islamist party. The PTI has been in power for almost three years and the country continues to suffer rising unemployment, growing inflation and illiteracy, leading to general dissatisfaction with this government. As a result, mainstream voters are increasingly turning towards Islamist parties like the TLP. Nevertheless, there can never be any excuse for violence and bloodshed, even if certain quarters believe that a foreign agenda is at play and aims to destroy Pakistan’s political stability.
It is against this backdrop that the TLP represents a direct threat to the PTI and also to Pakistan’s beleaguered minorities. Back in November 2018, the party violently took to the streets to protest the Supreme Court ruling that acquitted Asia Bibi, a Christian woman, of all charges of blasphemy. Indeed, the protestors only agreed to call off their sit-ins after the government requested the court to revisit its verdict. Then, as now, the TLP was driven by its self-proclaimed need to defend Pakistan’s blasphemy laws; a tool which is regularly weaponised against minorities.
TLP’s electoral performance shouldn’t be shrugged off too easily. After all, it has done significantly better than most of the other religious political parties. Under the leadership of Khadim Rizvi, the group captured the public imagination, at least to a certain extent. It is well-known that the TLP mobilises under the slogan of ‘Tajdar e Khatam e Nabuwat’, pertaining to the finality of the Prophet (PBUH). Thus if the party is still banned in the run-up to the 2023 election and unable to contest — the PTI will suffer the most backslash at the hands of voters. Thereby representing a win for the PPP, PMLQ and PMLN.
The question remains as to whether the state will change its policy of Islamist appeasement? If such violent threats goes unchallenged — Pakistan’s international isolation will simply increase. Yet banning the TLP won’t solve the problem of rising religious extremism in the country since many proscribed outfits reappear under new names. Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) has now reinvented itself and holds seat in the Punjab Assembly and forms part of the PTI coalition in the province. This is a contradiction that Imran Khan must answer.
The writer is an Islamabad-based political analyst and author of several books. He can be reached at [email protected] and tweets@NaveedAmanKhan3