There’s an ancient story, one you’ve likely read or heard, about two brothers living in a certain region. The elder brother was cunning and selfish, while the younger brother was simple and obedient. They inherited a cow, a fruit-bearing tree, and a blanket from their parents.
The elder brother said to the younger, “Justice demands we divide these things equally. However, since none of these items can be cut or broken, let’s do this: you take the front part of the cow, which is beautiful, and I’ll take the rear. Similarly, since you’re younger and can’t climb the tree, you take the lower part, and I’ll take the upper part. The blanket will be yours during the day, so you can enjoy its beauty and softness, and mine at night when its colors can’t be seen.” The naive younger brother happily agreed to this division.
After some time, the younger brother realised how the division was entirely in the elder brother’s favour. He fed the cow, but the elder brother got the milk. He watered and fertilized the tree, but the elder brother ate the fruit. The blanket was useless during the day’s heat. At night, he shivered from the cold while the elder brother slept soundly.
The smaller provinces of Pakistan often feel that Punjab is like the elder brother in this story, and they are the younger brother–burdened with problems and responsibilities, but not receiving their fair share of resources. This sense of deprivation among the smaller provinces is not new; it has persisted since the creation of Pakistan. A significant factor in the separation of East Pakistan was this very sense of deprivation and the widespread perception among its people that Punjab had seized control of all of Pakistan’s resources, denying them their rightful share.
The federal government and Punjab should recognise that it is unwise to make one province fertile by rendering another province barren.
This feeling of injustice from the “elder brother” province is common in Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Balochistan as well, and it is exploited by malicious forces, separatist elements, and hostile agencies. To address the grievances and sense of deprivation among the provinces, President Asif Ali Zardari granted greater autonomy to the provinces through the 18th Amendment. However, there are still several critical issues, including the National Finance Commission (NFC), where disagreements persist between the federal government and the smaller provinces, or between Punjab and the other provinces. A recent example is the dispute over the distribution of the Indus River’s water.
The rivers flowing through Pakistan are like the veins in a body. If blood doesn’t reach or insufficiently reach any part of the body, that part becomes dysfunctional or its performance is affected. Unfortunately, Sindh has consistently faced issues with water distribution. Over the past 75 years, with the construction of dams like Mangla and Tarbela, Sindh’s share of water has steadily decreased, harming not only its agriculture but also its ecosystem.
Finally, in 1991, all provinces agreed on a formula for water distribution. Regrettably, despite this agreement, Sindh has been deprived of its rightful share of water through various pretexts. The scarcity of water in the Indus River has led to a dire situation, with coastal areas of Sindh, including Sujawal, Badin, and Thatta, experiencing devastation. Due to insufficient water reaching the Indus Delta, the sea is encroaching on agricultural land, rendering millions of acres infertile. Water shortages in other districts of Sindh have also caused severe hardships for farmers. Furthermore, the scarcity of water in the Indus River has also affected Karachi, Pakistan’s economic hub, which does not receive its required water supply.
In this context, the decision to build six more canals from the Indus River feels like adding insult to injury, causing widespread unrest among Sindh’s farmers and people. The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) has already objected to the Cholistan project, warning the federal government of its detrimental effects on Sindh’s agriculture and economy. The PPP and the Chief Minister of Sindh have repeatedly demanded a meeting of the Council of Common Interests (CCI) to address this issue, but their pleas have fallen on deaf ears. Constitutionally, the CCI should meet every 90 days, but a year has passed without a meeting. While the PPP and the Sindh government are vocal in their protests, the farmers, the public, and civil society in Sindh are also rising in opposition.
On the other hand, the federal government, disregarding Sindh’s protests, has approved the allocation of water to the new Cholistan canals through the Indus River System Authority (IRSA). Sindh’s representative in IRSA opposed the decision, writing a dissenting note and terming it an injustice to Sindh. Nevertheless, the Chief Minister of Sindh has announced that they will fight a legal battle against the deprivation of Sindh’s rights, as they are not in favour of street protests.
The federal government and Punjab should recognise that it is unwise to make one province fertile by rendering another province barren and destroying its agriculture and ecosystem. Modern techniques should be employed to make the lands in Cholistan and other areas of Punjab cultivable, just as the Sindh government has demonstrated by making Tharparkar green despite limited water resources. The Indus River is the lifeline of Sindh; it should not be choked. Sindh should be allowed to flourish. Otherwise, the smaller provinces, like the younger brother in the story, may be compelled to adopt measures that create difficulties for the “elder brother” as well.
The writer is spokesperson (Sindh Government)